BPSC-134 Introduction of International Relations Text Book

BPSC-134 Introduction of International Relations Text Book

Block-1 Introduction

COURSE INTRODUCTION: INTRODUCTION TO INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

International Relations (IR) is generally understood as a discipline that covers
relations of states with each other. It focuses on the working of the international
system and involves study of politics, economics, sociology, law, history, etc;
making it an interdisciplinary subject. As an independent discipline, IR emerged
after the First World War, mainly in the West, particularly in the US as it grew as
a power in international system. The First World War led to massive destruction
and there was a belief among leaders around the world that IR was still unexplored
as a subject and universities should promote teaching and research related to
issues of international relations. A number of schools, universities, institutes and
departments came up in Europe and North America to study IR between the two
World Wars. As an approach, Realism grew in importance and stature after the
Second World War with Hans Morgenthau’s Politics Among Nations in 1948.
The other important approaches to understand IR include Liberalism, Marxism,
Constructivism, Feminism, and Post-colonialism. It should be mentioned that
International Relations is different from International Politics. IR is a term that
has bigger scope and meaning while International Politics is a part of IR. IR
covers interactions between state and non-state actors in areas including politics,
economics, culture, security, etc. International Politics is a narrow term covering
political aspects at international level. Some experts believe that in the age of
globalization and interdependence, global politics is the right term to be used.
The world today is an interdependent system and it is not feasible to understand
issues and opportunities through a local or national perspective. There are linkages
with the global level that need to be understood. What happens beyond our national
borders could have immediate effect on our society and livelihood; the Corona
pandemic could be cited as an example. No country in the world can live in
isolation and think of prosperity and well-being of its citizens. This is why there
is need to study IR.

Scope of IR has expanded with time. Before the First World War, it included
study of diplomatic history and international law. However, study of international
institutions, strategic aspects of foreign policy and anti-colonial movements gained
prominence after the Second World War. In contemporary times, the scope of IR
includes state and non-state actors, area studies (particular study of a geographical/
cultural area such as Africa or South Asia), security, international political
economy, globalization, environment, technology, etc. The context and nature of
IR have also undergone major changes after the Second World War. Traditionally,
the world politics revolved around Europe and relations among different states
were mainly conducted in secrecy by officials of foreign office. The common
man hardly had any role while the treaties and pacts were kept secret. However,
in today’s times, public opinion plays an important part in formulation of foreign
policy. The Ambassadors are relatively free to conduct relations with the countries
where they are posted. In the age of Twitter, even diplomacy has got a new name
– Twiplomacy. The world leaders today interact more frequently not only with
each other but also with the public through their social media accounts and there
is no place for secrecy anymore.

This course gives an introduction to International Relations covering main
concepts and theories aimed at developing analytical thinking. It is divided in
four blocks.

Block 1 gives the introduction to this course in which there are three units. Unit
1 is Understanding International Relations; Unit 2 covers the basic concepts of
IR. Unit 3 traces the evolution of international system till the Second World War.
Block 2 highlights main approaches to IR and covers them in four units – Realism,
Systems Approach, Dependency Theory and Constructivism.
Block 3 has four units on major developments in IR – the Cold War, end of the
Cold War and its impact on IR, emerging centres of power and globalization.
Block 4 highlights international organizations in three units – the United Nations,
international economic organizations and regionalism and new regionalism.
Every unit has exercises to assess your progress and the answers are given at the
end of each unit. There is a list of readings in the end of the course that would
help you to broaden your perspective and go deep into the study of IR

 

BLOCK 1 INTRODUCTION

In this block, basic concepts and themes of International Relations are covered.
Unit 1 is Understanding International Relations which highlights main theories
in IR – Realism, Liberalism and critical perspectives like Feminism, Marxism,
Social Constructivism and Post-Colonialism. Unit 2 is Basic Concepts: Elements
of National Power, National Interest, Collective Security, Balance of Power. Not
all nations have similar power capability in IR and power differential is an
organizing principle of international system. In reality, there is a hierarchy of
powers in the international system while legally all states are equal in IR. National
interest is understood both in terms of material goals and values of a country.

When countries seek to achieve a favourable equilibrium in the global or regional
distribution of power, it is called Balance of Power. With the world moving
towards multipolarity, balance of power is here to stay in IR. Unit 3 is Evolution
of International System (Up to the World War II). The present international system
– its institutions and norms – did not evolve overnight. The modern international
system is the outcome of a long history – at times very bitter such as the two
world wars in the previous century. Modern international system is called
Westphalian state system; it means sovereign states are the only legitimate and
recognized entities in international relations. Over the last four hundred years
over which the modern international system based on the idea of sovereign state
evolved, peace and stability have remained fragile and at times elusive. As Unit
3 highlights that military conflict was inherent in the way international relations
worked all through the 19th century. Aggression, military alliances, balance of
power, secret pacts, annexation of territories, zones of influence, carving up
colonies overseas, and trade wars were the practices in IR. The result was often
wars between imperial European powers; peace was only a brief interlude between
two wars. The imperialist ambitions of the European powers would conflagrate
as colonial masters would also drag the colonial people in their conflicts.

 

UNIT 1 UNDERSTANDING Relations INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS*

Structure
1.0 Objectives
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Realism
1.2.1 Neorealism
1.3 Liberalism
1.4 Critical Perspectives
1.4.1 Marxism, Neo Marxism and Critical Theory
1.4.2 Feminism
1.4.3 Post Structuralism
1.4.4 Green Politics
1.4.5 Social Constructivism
1.4.6 Post Colonialism
1.5 Let Us Sum Up
1.6 References
1.7 Answers to Check your Progress Exercises
1.0 OBJECTIVES
The aim of this unit is to understand various approaches to the study of
International Relations (IR). After reading this Unit, you would be able to
understand the:
Realist approach to the study of IR
Liberalism as an approach
Critical approaches and
Criticism of these varied theoretical approaches and concepts
1.1 INTRODUCTION
International Relations (IR) is an area in political studies that deals with the
relations among sovereign states. It studies the behaviour of states with each
other and with international entities. It examines the conflicts and cooperation
among states, functions and role of international organizations and mechanisms
such as the UN, World Trade Organization and the Nuclear Suppliers Group, the
role of multinational corporations (MNCs), working of state and non-state actors,
and ways to deal with new challenges like climate change, terrorism, refugees
and migrants, etc. Understanding IR helps in exploring and offering different
visions of the world order; which can, hopefully, further the cause of global
peace and development

 

Two mainstream perspectives namely Realism and Liberalism have dominated
the understanding and interpretation of the IR since the 1930s. This is called the
first great debate. These perspectives were understood traditionally in terms of
diplomacy, military and strategic capabilities and methods of deploying them.
The second great debate took place between the Behaviouralists and
Traditionalists in 1960s over whether behaviour of actors – state or non-state –
should be the criterion for explaining the International Relations. In 1970s and
1980s, the third great debate took place; also called the inter–paradigm debate.
This was between Liberals and Realists on one side and the Marxists on the
other side. Marxists understood IR primarily in economic terms. The fourth great
debate started in late 1980s and was between the Positivists and post–Positivists.
Positivists want their theories to be understood as objective knowledge grounded
in facts. For example: Realists explain that world is an anarchical place and
states behave through zero sum relations; whereas post-Positivists base their
theories in values and subjectivity. For example, Feminists believe that world is
patriarchal; and an egalitarian world order can only be achieved when women
are treated fairly and equally. This Unit describes and analyzes the two mainstream
theoretical frameworks of Realism and Liberalism and follows it up with a brief
description of Critical theories of International Relations.
1.2 REALISM
Realism also called Political Realism believes that states are power seekers. They
say that world is an anarchical place where there is no central authority to regulate
the behaviour of states. A security dilemma exists where any state can attack
another anytime. So states seek to enhance their military and strategic powers to
protect their territory and sovereignty. They are self-interested in either enlarging
their powers or in protecting and defending themselves from the attack. Realists
believe that states behave like humans. Commenting on human nature, Thomas
Hobbes, a 17th Century political thinker once said that life of a man is solitary,
poor, nasty, brutish and short. So, state, like man, is egoistic; and it enters into
constant conflicts with other states to look after its own security and interests.
Realists believe that states are guided by zero sum relations where gain of one
state leads to loss of another.
Key themes within Realism are: state egoism and conflict; state craft and national
interest; international anarchy and its implications; polarity, stability and balance
of power. These themes are described below.
A) State egoism and conflict: ‘Classical Realism’ is traced to the Greek
philosopher Thucydides’ History of The Peloponnesian War, Sun Tzu’s work
The Art of War, Kautilya’s Arthashastra, and the writings of Niccolo
Machiavelli and Thomas Hobbes. They give a pessimistic picture of man
saying that the nature of man is guided by envy, jealousy, ego, greed, fear
and conflict. And, same is the nature of the state. Since international order
is anarchical and there is no central source of authority, states acquire more
of military capability and build strategic depth so that they keep their territory
protected. Machiavelli says that a man is cunning and the rulers have to be
manipulative and crafty to maintain law and order. Hobbes also gives a
pessimistic picture of man and argues that a strong and sovereign state power
is required to maintain law and order and protect life.
13
Understanding International
Relations B) State craft and national interest: The art of statecraft is important for the
conduct of State in international relations. Hans Morgenthau in his Politics
Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace stated six principles of
Political Realism that explain how the state works. These principles are:
Politics is governed by objective laws which have their roots in human
nature.
International relations can be understood from the concept of interest
defined in terms of power.
The forms and nature of state power will vary in time, place and context
but the concept of interest remains consistent.
Universal moral principles do not guide State behaviour.
There is no universally agreed set of moral principles. Moral aspirations
are specific to a particular nation.
The political sphere is autonomous. It means that the key question in
international politics is ‘How does this policy affect the power of a
nation?’
C) International anarchy and its implications: Since there is no central
authority, states have to resort to self-help to secure their interests. The
second implication is that international system is characterized by security
dilemma where the security of states is not guaranteed. And third, states in
anarchy are always in pursuit to enhance their power in relation to other
states so as to have an edge over them. These implications discourage
cooperation and reduce the effectiveness of international organizations.
D) Polarity, stability and balance of power: Realists say that stability in
international system can be attained through balance of power.
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
Note: i) Use the space given below for answers.
ii) See the end of Unit for tips for your answer.
1) Explain the concept of Realism.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
1.2.1 Neorealism
Kenneth Waltz gave the theory of Neorealism in his Theory of International
Politics, published in 1979. It is also termed as Structural Realism. Waltz focussed
on the structure of international system, on its interacting units and the continuities
and changes of the system. He departed from ‘Classical Realism’ and said that it
is important to understand the behaviour of international system before studying
the behaviour of states. He explained that the security dilemma exists not because
14
Introduction the state’s behaviour is similar to human nature but rather that the international
system is anarchical and it does not have a central authority to ‘govern’. The
anarchical international system creates fear and insecurity in states that compels
them to maximise their security and power and act in zero sum way. Therefore,
it is the structure of the international system that determines the actions of the
state.
Neorealism or Structural Realism reaches many of the same conclusions as
‘Classical Realism’. However, it does so by looking at systemic rather than
individual and state-level causes. This means that it focuses less on human nature
and more on the anarchic structure of the international system in which states
operate. Kenneth Waltz emphasizes upon the distinction between his approach
and that of Morgenthau and other ‘Classical Realists’. Whereas ‘Classical
Realism’ places responsibility for war at the feet of selfish and narrow-minded
individual human beings, Waltz points to the anarchical structure of the
international system as the main reason for the persistence of war. He asserts
that states are victims of the security dilemma, in which effort of a state to
ensure its survival threatens the security of other states around it. Following
Realism’s concept of self-help, Waltz argues that the only rational course of
action for a state in an anarchic international system is to maintain enough military
and political power to defend itself against aggression. In doing so, it might
invest in new weapons or seek alliances with other states that may or may not
come to its aid in a crisis. Unfortunately, these steps toward self-defence appear
threatening to neighbouring states, forcing them to respond with their own military
build-up and alliance making. In a world defined by mutual suspicion, one state’s
attempts to safeguard its survival make other states less secure, forcing them to
respond with their own self-help strategies. The result is an arms race in which
every state builds up its military capability in response to others’ actions. This is
the crux of the security dilemma. Neorealists use it to explain the persistence
of conflict and war on the international stage. In the absence of a world
government, states are condemned to exist in an environment of mutual distrust
and one state’s declaration that it is seeking armed strength for purely defensive
reasons is certain to be met with suspicion by its neighbours.
Thomas Schelling added the dimension of ‘strategic realism’ in 1980. He focusses
his attention on foreign policy decision-making. He said that leaders think
strategically when they are confronted with basic diplomatic and military issues.
Strategic methods involve diplomacy, foreign policy and also use of armed forces.
Schelling says ‘diplomacy is like bargaining’ where one gets the outcome which
might not be ideal for both parties but is better for both as compared to other
alternatives. Strategic realists are concerned with how to employ power
intelligently in order to get the adversary to do what we desire and more
importantly to avoid doing what we fear.
1.3 LIBERALISM
The Liberal tradition in IR is closely associated with the emergence of modern
liberal state. The basic tenets of Liberalism are freedom, tolerance, cooperation,
compromise, peace and progress. It rules out conflict and war. The Liberal tradition
strongly believes in the reason and rationality of individual. It believes that through
cooperation and compromise, conflicts of society can be resolved. Tolerance is
the key for building harmony and avoiding conflicts. Unlike Realists, Liberals
15
Understanding International
Relations
do not believe that human nature is evil. Rather humans are sociable, rational,
competitive and collaborative. John Locke, a 17th century liberal philosopher
emphasized on the protection of rights of life, liberty and property of an individual.
He advocated limited and constitutional state so that it does not infringe on the
freedom of an individual. Jeremy Bentham, another prominent liberal philosopher
coined the term ‘international law’ and enlarged the concept of constitutional
state which would aim at greatest happiness of the greatest number. Immanuel
Kant expanded the argument and emphasized on the establishment of
constitutional and mutually respectful republics that could lead to perpetual peace
and progress. Post 1970s, Liberalism was revived under neoliberalism. Key
themes within Liberalism are: Interdependence Liberalism; Republican
Liberalism; and Liberal Institutionalism as discussed below.
A) Interdependence Liberalism: It emphasizes on free trade and mutually
productive economic relations. The idea can be traced back to the birth of
commercial liberalism in 19th century drawn from the thoughts of David
Ricardo, Richard Cobden and John Bright. Free trade allows each country
to develop the goods and services in which they have a comparative
advantage from other countries. This creates economic interdependence and
reduces the probability of war. Cobden and Bright argued that free trade
would bring people from different races, creeds and languages and tie them
in ‘bonds of eternal peace’. Robert Keohane and Jospeh Nye call it ‘complex
interdependence’ where actions of one country affect the other countries.
And this is not only related to economic sphere but also extends to the areas
of climate change, economic development and human rights.
B) Republican Liberalism: Liberals believe that external behaviour of states
is influenced by their political and constitutional make up. Authoritarian
states are generally viewed as aggressive and militaristic whereas democratic
states follow more of peaceful and cooperative methods in their dealings.
With the collapse of communism, the ‘democratic peace thesis’ re-emerged.
Francis Fukuyama in his ‘End of History’ said that democracy is the order
of the world. Market capitalism and liberal democratic principles have won
the ideological war. Freedom, trade and principles of cooperation are the
basic tenets on which the world will govern itself. Liberals quote the 16th
century German philosopher Immanuel Kant who said that democracies do
not fight; and, therefore, democracies lead to the establishment of ‘zones of
peace’.
C) Liberal Institutionalism: Liberal institutionalism owes its genesis to social
contract theory of Hobbes and Locke. Social Contract theorists say that an
external, sovereign power is required to prevent society from barbarous
and chaotic state of nature. Similarly, international order is anarchical and
is not governed by central authority so it requires an international
organization to establish rule of law that would be based on collective
security and respect for international law. The League of Nations was the
first attempt. And the United Nations now governs global politics. Institutions
function as mediators and facilitators of cooperation among states on matters
of common interest. Liberal Institutionalism promotes the idea of
international organizations, such as the UN, to establish rules, such as
collective security. An international system should be based and governed
by clearly laid-down rules and institutions. International organization is the chief ‘external’ mechanism that is needed to constrain the ambitions of
sovereign states, which are otherwise oriented to pursue their ‘national
interests’. More radical Institutionalism highlights the importance of
multilateralism in meeting the challenges of global governance and the
effects of globalization. The effects of globalization and challenges posed
by issues like terrorism, pandemics etc show that states cannot meet them
unilaterally. These challenges demand creation of regional and global
regimes – institutions and norms – more or less on permanent basis.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
Note: i) Use the space given below for answers.
ii) See the end of Unit for tips for your answer.
1) What is Liberalism? Explain key themes within Liberalism?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
1.4 CRITICAL PERSPECTIVES
The Critical perspectives in IR gained prominence in 1980s. They embraced a
post-Positivist approach that links theory with practice. They challenge the global
status quo norms and values and expose the inequalities, injustices and imbalances
that mainstream theories ignore. The task is not only to understand IR but change
it too. Critical theories are emancipatory theories and they work towards
overthrowing oppression and achieve freedom of the deprived sections. Critical
Perspectives are views from the below; looking at IR from the perspective of the
deprived and the victims. Main critical perspectives are discussed in subsequent
sections.
1.4.1 Marxism, Neo Marxism and Critical Theory
Marxism has been considered as the radical alternative to mainstream theories
of Realism and Liberalism. The latter has been considered to cater to the interests
of the rich and powerful ruling classes in the imperial states of Europe; whereas
Marxism has been the voice of the weaker sections of society. Marxism believes
that class struggle is an inevitable part of society. Economy is of primary
importance; Marxism explains that society is divided on the basis of economics.
There are two classes of ‘haves’ and ‘have nots’. Marxism bases itself on
materialist conception of history. Karl Marx has laid down five stages in history
namely Primitive Communism where everyone is equal and no social division
between rich and poor exists. Second is feudalism where the society gets divided
into two major social classes namely, landlords and serfs. A class struggle replaces
feudalism with capitalism. But in capitalistic mode of production, the division
still persists between proletariat (working class) and bourgeoisie (capitalist class).
Marx calls for a working class revolution to dethrone the bourgeoisie and
overthrow capitalism to build a socialist society. In socialist society, resources
17
Understanding International
Relations will be distributed according to their work and social justice will be established.
Socialism is a transitory stage. Socialism will soon pave way for classless
communism where distribution of resources will happen according to everyone’s
needs. Karl Marx believed that historical process is carried forward through
dialectical process in which internal contradictions happen in each mode of
production.
V.I. Lenin in Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism underlined that
domestic capitalists maintain high levels of profits by exporting surplus capital
to overseas markets. This has led to colonization in Asia, Africa and elsewhere
and also the resultant war (World War 1) among the European capitalist powers
to control these colonies.
Neo Marxism explains global poverty and inequality. Marxism was revived in
1970s and was called Neo-Marxism or Structural Approach or Neo Radical
approach including the World System theory and dependency theory. These
frameworks explain that world is divided into three spheres – core, periphery
and semi-periphery. Core countries are located in the North. Composed of Western
capitalist system, they have large accumulation of capital, possess high
technological know-how; have high skilled workers and high wages, and greater
investment. On the other hand, peripheral countries are the ones located in the
South, are poor and mainly agricultural. They have low capital, low technological
know-how, have large unskilled workforce which is paid low wages. Subsistence
economy and large unemployment are the features of the peripheral economies.
These countries also have low investment opportunities. Semi-Peripheral
countries are the ones in which some manufacturing occurs but capital is not
concentrated as in core countries. The core or the semi-peripheral countries exploit
the periphery for their resources and cheap agricultural products and cheap labour.
With low technological know-how which is also expensive, export of technology
from the core to peripheral or semi peripheral countries is low. They continue to
remain under-developed or marginalized. Ander Gunder Frank in his work
Capitalism and Underdevelopment in Latin America calls it ‘development of
underdevelopment. Other prominent advocates of this theory are Samir Amin,
Immanuel Wallerstein and Raul Prebisch. United Nations Economic Commission
for Latin America under its head Raul Prebisch did the initial work on CentrePeriphery thesis in the 1940s and 1950s. Samir Amin says that periphery wants
development in competition with ‘centre’ or the core, oblivious of the fact that
every region has its own local development and need not copy the West. So, by
imitating the Eurocentric idea of development, the periphery distorts and destroys
its indigenous structures making them unsustainable and dependent on the West
for its developmental needs. This further strengthens core and weakens the
periphery.
Dependency theorists say that dependency is a form of international
interdependence in which regions having surplus wealth want to loan out their
money to peripheral countries. Dos Santos, a dependency theorist defines
dependence as a situation in which the economy of certain countries is conditioned
by the development and expansion of a ‘core’ or ‘centre’ economy. Let us have a
look at Critical Theory. The term itself suggests that the theory has been critical
of oppression and unjust system of the society. Antonio Gramsci explained that
capitalist class does not solely work on unequal economic and political power
but also through hegemony of bourgeois ideas. Hegemony means domination of
18
Introduction certain ideas and theories. Gramsci says hegemony works through coercion and
consent. Robert Cox said that hegemonic power of USA is not only in terms of
military but also of its ability to create a broad consent on the world order. Critical
theorists are committed to emancipatory politics and believe in building an
inclusive and cosmopolitan world order. Frankfurt school rose in 1923 and they
also underline the oppression of the weaker section of society. Key theorists
include Theodor Adorno, Max Horkheimer and Herbert Marcuse. Second
generation of Frankfurt school includes Jurgen Habermas, Robert Cox and Andrew
Linklater who applied critical theory to the study of international politics.
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
Note: i) Use the space given below for answers.
ii) See the end of Unit for tips for your answer.
1) Explain Marxist approach to IR.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
1.4.2 Feminism
Feminism rose in 1960s in Europe where women challenged the social, economic
and political role given to them and emphasizing that these roles are not natural.
It’s the society that has confined women to household work and men to economic
and political spheres. The central themes in feminism are public and private
divide; patriarchy; sex and gender; and equality and difference. Feminists explain
that there is an artificial and unnatural public and private divide where public is
solely confined to men and women take care of private sphere. Politics like
political parties and government fall in the realm of public life – dominated by
men. Feminists insist that private life such as family and relationships are also a
part of political sphere. Betty Freidan remarked that ‘All personal is political’.
Feminists ask for breaking down of public and private spheres that will transfer
responsibilities to the state and seek provision of generous welfare to women
and support programmes.
Feminists have attacked patriarchal nature of society that allows the male head
of the family to decide for women. Woman cannot have her own choice. Feminists
further elaborate on the sex and gender classification. Sex is a biological difference
between a male and a female whereas gender is a social construct. It means that
the role of a man and woman is defined by the society. And lastly, there is
difference; there are feminists who say that women need to celebrate their
difference. They emphasize that women need not be ‘male identified’. Rather
they can enjoy womanhood and celebrate their different traits of being caring,
warm, protective, and child-bearing.
How feminism is projected in International Relations? IR has largely talked
about causes of war and conflict, development of international law and diplomacy,
and global expansion of trade and commerce. But the significant missing factor
19
Understanding International
Relations is that they have not talked of people. The dominant theories have excluded
women from domestic and international politics. Realism emphasizes on power
and struggle. They have assumed male to be participants in foreign policy
decision-making. Feminists accuse IR to be gender blind. It’s not inclusive of
women’s voice and opinions. State’s policy is governed on the factor of export
earnings, financial matters and comparative labour costs. But state has not focused
much on delivery of social services, provision of full employment, alleviation of
poverty and removal of social inequalities. But women have confronted these
challenges and worked hard to make their voice heard. ‘Where are women in
IR?’ is a common question Feminists ask.
Check Your Progress Exercise 4
Note: i) Use the space given below for answers.
ii) See the end of Unit for tips for your answer.
1) Explain the basic tenets of feminism in IR.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
1.4.3 Post-Structuralism
Post-Structuralism and Post-Modernism are used interchangeably. It is argued
that all knowledge is partial and local. Every society has its own truth and there
is no universal truth. Post-modernists highlight the complex power knowledge
system where truth is created to favour a section of society. Dominant groups in
society do not permit any opposing thought. Therefore, post modernists ask for
rejection of hierarchical ideas. Further, all history is written from the perspective
of the victor; the views of the vanquished never find a mention in history books.
They are anti-foundationalists which means that there are no universal moral
and political principles. They emphasize that every society should create their
own truths and values. German Philosopher Friedrich Nietzche had talked about
nihilism. He had said truth is fiction. Jean Francis Lyotard defined post-modernity
as: ‘An incredulity towards meta-narratives’. He said that all creeds and ideologies
are to be viewed skeptically. Michael Foucault, a French philosopher, said that
knowledge is power. He believed that truth is a social construct. And the powerful
section of a society creates its own truth to uphold its vested interests. Jacques
Derrida talked about ‘deconstruction’. He underlined the truth of all time: there
is no fixed meaning of concepts, languages and statements. He upheld the
difference. He said that every society has different truths. And there is a need to
deconstruct text so as to unravel the truth of every society. Richard Rorty, a US
philosopher, carried the argument further. He rejects that there exists any
objective, transcendental standpoint from which beliefs can be judged. He says,
there is no such standpoint.
Post-modernists have influenced international relations since the publication of
Der Derianand Shapiro’s International/Intertextual. Post-modernists argue that
any political event will always have different interpretations. For example: 9/11
20
Introduction event has been analyzed as an act of terrorism, a criminal act, or an act of revenge.
Critics point out that post-modernists hold different views as equally valid and
they believe that even science cannot distinguish between truth and falsehood.
1.4.4 Green Politics
Environment became an important factor in international policy-making debate
since 1970s when the dangers of uncontrollable population and unsustainable
growth and their impact on environment came to the fore. In 1990s, it gained
further traction with concern of climate change. Green politics elaborates on a
link between humankind and nature. It talks about the need to balance economic
growth with environmental preservation. It emphasizes on sustainable
development. It says that growth and development can only sustain when it is in
concordance with environment. Then there are ‘Eco-socialists’ who blame
capitalistic development for environmental degradation. They argue that the
present market-oriented phase of capitalism, or neoliberalism as it is often called,
seeks profit at the cost of nature. Another movement is that of Eco-anarchists
who argue that domination over other people is domination over nature.
Exploitation of people and communities at local level necessarily entails
exploitation and destruction of nature – with no recourse and no remedy ever.
So structures of hierarchy and authority should be broken down. Then there are
eco-feminists who argue that domination over females lead to domination over
nature. Male-domination invariably violates nature too. Feministic values of
softness, warmth, care, gentleness will help in preserving the environment.
1.4.5 Social Constructivism
Alexander Wendt in his important work Anarchy is What States Make of It explains
that anarchy is not an objective reality. Rather it is subjective. It is a social construct
where people have given shape to the ideas, beliefs and traditions; and they
share it. Anarchy then comes to occupy a place in the mainstream thinking.
Wendt further elaborates that anarchy is viewed by some states as a threatening
disorder that is not regulated by a central authority; whereas other states would
view it as freedom and opportunity. Therefore, social constructivist theorists
highlight that there is no objective social or political reality. The reality is not
something that is ‘out there’ in terms of external objects. Rather, reality exists
‘inside’. They contrast ‘inside-out’ approach with ‘outside-in’ approach. People
as individuals or groups construct the world and then act according to those
constructions. People’s ideas and beliefs become important when they are shared
to shape their identity or to serve their interests. Theorists explain that nations
are not objective entity. Rather, ‘nation’ is an ‘imagined community’ where people
believe that they share common beliefs, ideas, history, blood and lineage. Social
Constructivists highlight that interactions between agents (people in the form of
individuals or groups) and structures of the international system are always
mediated by ideational factors (beliefs, values, theories and assumptions). Critics
of Constructivism say ideas do not fall from sky. Ideas are formed after seeing
the social, economic and political reality. Constructivism is an influential postPositivist approach that gained prominence after the Cold War.
1.4.6 Post Colonialism
Though the colonial powers have been defeated long back and newly-independent
countries with their sovereignty intact have been formed. But the people in less
21
Understanding International
Relations developed and developing countries are still subjugated by the colonial mindset.
Edward Said developed the idea of Orientalism,wherein he explained that the
Western cultural and political hegemony over the Orient has been maintained
through producing a literature or perpetuating a thinking that demeans or belittles
non-Western people and their culture. For example, a typical Orientalist view is
that India is a country of snake charmers, magicians, sadhus and nothing
worthwhile in the field of science and technology has ever been achieved. The
statement highlights that India is not a progressive, modern and developed country
but a believer of superstitions. Of course, such a viewpoint is biased. But the
bias is an act of Western domination and hegemony over the orient. Other such
examples of post colonialism include ‘lustful Turks’ and ‘mysterious East’. Post
Colonialism exposes how the Western world establishes its domination. They
explain that ‘white man’s burden’ theory is farce and it is just a way to keep the
less developed and developing countries under the Western rule –cultural and
intellectual – and to deprive them of their confidence. Developmental Aid and
Humanitarian Interventions, the two hugely celebrated Western concepts are
classic examples of post colonialism where rich and powerful countries continue
to interfere in the affairs of the state and dictate their terms. Post Colonialism
exposes the hierarchy of thoughts in the international community where Western
ideas rule over indigenous thoughts and cultures. Post Colonialism makes an
effort to legitimize non-Western and sometimes anti-Western ideas, culture and
traditions.
Post Colonialism had emerged in the inter-War period (1919-1945) but gained
high point only after the Second World War. This happened because the imperial
powers namely British, Dutch, French and other colonial European countries
got defeated by the national freedom movements waged by the colonies. Though
the colonies were influenced by the liberal ideas of freedom and democracy,but
to fight against the colonizers and to attain the goal of social justice and
emancipation, many liberation movements took the help of socialist and
revolutionary Marxist ideas. After gaining independence, these radicals created
a distinctive voice separate from liberalism and socialism in forming of the NonAligned Movement (NAM). Members of NAM were from Afro-Asian and Latin
American countries, also known as the Third World which developed its own
distinctive perspective on global political, economic and cultural priorities. They
highlighted their indigenous cultures, religions and traditions. For example:
Gandhi propagated his theory of non-violence and self sacrifice which is rooted
in Hinduism; many African countries combined socialism with their own
indigenous traditions. Critics of Post Colonialism have argued that by leaving
Western ideas, Post Colonialists have refused progressive politics in place of
traditional values and authority structures. Feminists argue that abandoning
Western ideas has hindered progress of their movement as most indigenous
cultures suppress the rights of women.
1.5 LET US SUM UP
Theories are important to understand International Relations. Theories give shape
and structure to the confusing and shapeless reality. Realist theory explains
international behaviour according to aggressive human nature; the insecurity of
state elites and the pursuit of national interest by the sovereign state in an otherwise
anarchic international context where there is no suspranational authority to enforce
law and order. Because humans are self-interested creatures, international affairs
22
Introduction work on zero sum game where one loses and the other gains. Liberal approach
defies the Realist theory and argues that human behaviour is based strongly on
cooperation, tolerance and the capability to resolve conflicts peacefully through
dialogue and negotiation. That’s why countries are interdependent for trade,
resolution of political issues like climate change, piracy and economic growth.
Marxist theory criticizes the mainstream theories and highlights exploitation and
class struggle in capitalism; and gives a view of IR ‘from below’ i.e the view
point of the poor, marginalized and the exploited. New theories that enrich the
understanding of International Relations are one, of Green Politics that highlights
the issue of climate change and environmental preservation. Feminist theory
talks about bringing women issues to the mainstream for making international
policies. Post Structuralism assists in deconstruction and promotes diversity in
thoughts. And Post Colonialism exposes the hegemony of ideas and culture created
by Western countries by belittling the Eastern values.
1.6 REFERENCES
Baylis, John et al. (eds.) (2015). The Globalisation of World Politics. New Delhi:
OUP.
Chatterjee, Aneek. (2018). International Relations Today. New Delhi: Pearson.
Cartsnaes, Walter, et al. (eds.) (2012). Handbook of International Relations. New
Delhi: Sage.
George, Jim and Anthony D. Burke. (2007). An Introduction to International
Relations.
Heywood, A. (2011). Global Politics. Palgrave Foundations.
Hocking, Brian and Michael Smith. (2014). World Politics: An Introduction to
International Relations. London: Routbdge.
Kumar, Mahendra. (2017). The Theoretical Aspects of International Politics.
Agra: Shivlal Aggarwal.
Wilkinson, Paul. (2007). International Relations.New Delhi: OUP.
1.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
1) Your answer should highlight folloing points
Realism states are power seekers
States behave like human beings and are selfish in nature.
World is an anarchical with no central authority to regulate the behaviour
of states
Due to security dilemma, states seek to enhance their military and
strategic powers
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
1) Your answer should highlight folloing points
23
Understanding International
Relations The Liberal tradition in IR is closely associated with the emergence of
modern liberal state
The basic tenets are freedom, toleration, cooperation, compromise,
peace and progress
Believes that through cooperation and compromise, conflicts of society
can be resolved
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
1) Your answer should highlight folloing points
Marxism is a radical alternative to mainstream IR theories
Marxism has been the voice of the weaker sections of society
Marxism believes that class struggle is an inevitable part of society
Marxism explains that society is divided on the basis of economics
Check Your Progress Exercise 4
1) Your answer should highlight folloing points
Mainstream IR theories are gender blind
IR excludes women’s voices and opinions
24
Introduction UNIT 2 BASIC CONCEPTS: ELEMENTS OF
NATIONAL POWER, NATIONAL
INTEREST, BALANCE OF POWER
AND COLLECTIVE SECURITY*
Structure
2.0 Objectives
2.1 Introduction
2.2 The Idea of National Power
2.2.1 Elements
2.2.2 Limitations
2.3 Understanding National Interest
2.3.1 Components
2.3.2 Classification
2.3.3 Methods of Securing National Interest
2.4 Balance of Power
2.4.1 Meaning
2.4.2 Nature
2.4.3 History
2.4.4 Methods
2.4.5 Critical Evaluation
2.4.6 Is Balance of Power Still Relevant?
2.5 Collective Security
2.5.1 Definition
2.5.2 Chief Features
2.5.3 UN Collective Security Concept
2.5.4 Critical Evaluation
2.6 Let Us Sum up
2.7 References
2.8 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
2.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit, you will be studying about the four major elements that are basic to
the understanding of International Relations (IR). After going through this Unit,
you should be able to understand the meaning and importance of:
National Power
National Interest
Balance of Power and
Collective Security
*
Dr. Mithila Bagai, Dept. of Political Science, Maitreyi College, University of Delhi, New Delhi
25
Basic Concepts: Elements of
National Power, National
Interest, Collective Security,
Balance of Power
2.1 INTRODUCTION
Every state works towards enhancing its national interest by securing more
national power. Problem arises when a state solely thinks about its interests at
the cost of other state’s security. When every state is out to maximize its national
interest, it often causes disruption in the international peace and harmony. To
maximize its national interest yet minimize the risk of conflict, there evolved in
the international system the Balance of Power (BoP) – a mechanism to prevent
the outbreak of war. Then there is the principle of Collective Security. United
Nations in its Charter has sanctioned the use of collective security to prevent a
state from aggression. In this Unit, we will be discussing four important governing
components of international system namely National Power; National Interest;
Balance of Power; and Collective Security.
2.2 THE IDEA OF NATIONAL POWER
National Power is an important component in international politics. Amidst
absence of a central, regulatory international mechanism, every state secures its
national interests by asserting national power. Hans Morgenthau defines national
power as “A psychological relation between those who exercise it and those
over whom it is exercised. It gives the former control over certain actions of the
latter, through the influence that the former exerts over the latter’s mind.” Georg
Shwarzenberger explains further: “The power is the capacity to impose one’s
will on other by reliance on effective sanctions in the case of noncompliance.”
Here, he adds the idea of punishment in case of noncompliance. A.F.K. Organski
explains national power as “the ability to influence the behaviour of other in
accordance with one’s own end.” Charles says power is “The ability to make a
man to do what one wants and not to do what one does not want.”
William Ebenstein broadly defines it as, “more than the sum total of population,
raw-material and quantitative factors. It includes its civil devotion, the flexibility
of its institutions, its technical know-how, its national character or quantitative
elements that determine the total strength of a nation.” In brief, National Power
is the ability or capability of a nation to secure the goals and objectives of its
national interests in relation with other nations. It involves the capacity to use
force or threat of use of force or influence over others for securing the goals of
national interest. National power of a country depends on myriad factors. Frankel
calls these factors as capabilities or capability factors. It is also termed as
‘determinants of national power’ or factors/elements of national power.
2.2.1 Elements of National Power
Hans Morgenthau has grouped elements of national power under permanent and
temporary elements. Organski has classified it into two: natural determinants
and social determinants. Natural determinants include geography, resources and
population; and social determinants include economic development, political
structures and national morale. Palmer and Perkins and several others make a
distinction between tangible and intangible elements of national power. Tangible
elements are composed of elements that can be assessed in quantitative terms
like economic development, resources, geography, population and technology.
And intangible elements are non-quantitative such as ideational and psychological
factors like ideology, morale, leadership, personality and quality of diplomacy.
26
Introduction Broadly, elements of national power include the following: geography; natural
resources including raw materials and food; population; economic development
and industrial capacity; technology; military preparedness; ideology; leadership;
organization and quality of government; national character and morale; and
diplomacy. Let us examine each one of them in some details.
A) Geography: Geography is the most stable, tangible, permanent and natural
element amongst the determinants of national power. Highlighting the
importance of geography, Napoleon Bonaparte once said, “The foreign
policy of a country is determined by its geography.” To understand geography
as an element of national power, we need to understand importance of size,
location, climate, topography and boundaries of a state.
Size: A large sized country is beneficial in defending frontiers by retreating
during an attack, offers better natural resources, can accommodate larger
population and establish important industrial complexes. But a large sized
country can also be a hindrance in development as it may lack natural
resources, have inhospitable climate and topography. Size of a country may
not matter much in international relations. USA is more powerful than Russia
despite having a smaller territory. Israel, despite being small in size, has a
powerful defense mechanism.
Location: Location of England helped it in becoming a big naval and imperial
power. USA was able to follow its policy of isolationism due to its location;
whereas location of Canada, being so close to US, has prevented it from
becoming a superpower.
Climate: Climate is important for production of food, economy and culture
of a nation. Cold Arctic Zone and excessive heat of Sahara have prevented
their development.
Topography: Plain and artificial boundaries of a country can make it
vulnerable to expansionism. Atlantic and Pacific oceans have provided
strength to the USA while the Himalayas are generally seen as protecting
India’s northern borders.
Boundaries: Natural and settled boundaries are a source of friendly and
cooperative relations among countries. Unsettled boundaries are a source
of conflict that weakens national power.
B) Natural Resources:Self-sufficiency in natural resources helps in the
development of a country. Self-sufficiency in resources allows a nation to
develop agriculture including self-sufficiency in food, develop industrial
establishments, and build military might. Morgenthau discussed the
significance of natural resources in two parts viz. raw materials and food.
Raw materials are further subdivided into three parts – minerals such as
coal, petrol, iron, copper, zinc, manganese etc; secondly, natural products
such as rubber, jute, bamboo etc; and finally animal products like meat,
eggs, milk, silk etc.On ‘food’ as a deciding factor in National Power,
Morgenthau once said, “Nations self sufficient in food are better placed
than nations which import food.” Food shortage in India in 1950s and
1960s made Indians dependent on the USA. Western world used food aid
as a tool to leverage Indian foreign policy. Green Revolution in 1970s
created food self-sufficiency and enabled India to develop its national power.
27
Basic Concepts: Elements of
National Power, National
Interest, Collective Security,
Balance of Power
C) Population: A country which is inhabited by lazy, illiterate, incompetent,
unemployed and unskilled human resources hinders development. Strong,
healthy, disciplined, employed, literate and skilled population facilitates
development of the country and its national power. Investment in human
resource development is an indicator of a state’s commitment to nationbuilding.
D) Economic Development: The level of economic development also
determines the national power. It is a means of building military power and
welfare and prosperity of people. A developed, healthy, prosperous and
growing nation creates an impact at world level. It is able to leverage
economic instruments like aid, loan, rewards, trade, and grants for achieving
its goals at international level. United States regularly uses aid and market
access to change the behaviour and policies of other states. No loan or
development assistance by the IMF and the World Bank are ever sanctioned
to a country without US agreeing to it. A weak nation that is characterized
by poverty and underdevelopment suffers from acute and multiple limits on
its national power.
E) Industrial Capacity: Technology and industrialization help in the
development of industrial capacity. A country with well-built industrial
capacity would have the potential to become a superpower. United States
of America, Britain, Germany, China, France, Japan are super and great
powers because they possess huge industrial capacities. India with the same
raw materials as USA and Russia is lagging behind in development because
of a less developed industrial sector. An industrial sector aids in extracting
natural resources and converting it into industrial goods. Analysts now talk
of building ‘knowledge economy’. Revolution in Information Technology
and Communication and the outbreak of the Fourth Industrial Revolution
such as the Artificial Intelligence (AI) is making countries develop their
capability in these new technologies.
F) Technology: A well developed technological know-how enables human
welfare and progress. Technology is significant for industrial development,
military development, development of transport and communication,
economic and social development.Information technology, nuclear
technology, space technology and missile technology have emerged as
important sources of power and influence in international relations. National
power enhances further when a country is self- sufficient in manufacturing
industrial and high-tech goods at home rather than being dependent on
imports.
G) Military Preparedness: It is an important factor in the success of foreign
policy and in promotion of national interest. Possession of advanced and
sophisticated weapon technology is a source of strength and strategic
advantage. An effective and efficient military leadership and skilled, trained,
competent, dedicated and disciplined armed forces further strengthen military
preparedness of a nation. But military preparedness is not an independent
determinant of national power as it is dependent on economic power of a
country, technology, strategic factors, industrial capacity and policies of
government.
28
Introduction H) Ideology: Ideology is an intangible element of national power. It can be a
source of friendship or enmity between nations. Hitler’s Nazism in Germany
and Mussolini’s Fascism in Italy weakened their national power and earned
criticism across the world. The ideological war between communism and
capitalism after 1945 led to the Cold War with many countries joining
alliances to safeguard their territories. India’s pursuit of Non-Alignment
(NAM) enabled it to resist superpower dictats during the Cold War.
I) Leadership: A strong and willed leader directs the utilization of natural
resources, human resources and raw materials to efficiency and competency.
A mature, devoted and efficient leadership leads the country to progress
and success.
J) Organization and Quality of Government: A corrupt and inefficient
government wastes the natural and human resources and reduces its national
strength and stature in international affairs. For ex, a strong, democratic,
well-functioning and responsible government leads to good governance and
increases its effectiveness and prestige in global affairs. A weak civilian
government in Pakistan has led to failure of its economy and society.
K) National Character and Morale: It’s also an intangible element of national
power. National Character refers to traits, attitude and aptitude of the people.
For example, Indians are known for their tolerance, religious beliefs and
idealism. Germans are synonymous for their discipline and industriousness
and Americans for their inventiveness, initiative and spirit of
adventure.Morgenthau defines national morale as “degree of determination
with which a nation supports the foreign policy of government in peace and
war, it permeates all activities of a nation, its agriculture and industrial
production as well as its military establishment and diplomatic service”.
Building of dams, success in 1965 and 1971 wars, growth of Information
Technology and a steady economic growth of India boosted its morale. And
the defeat in 1962 war, imposition of emergency and unstable coalition
regimes post 1991 deteriorated its morale.
L) Diplomacy: A high-quality diplomacy transforms the available resources
into national strength. Britain has been successful in projecting itself as a
national power despite losing its imperial status post 1945. USA’s successful
diplomacy helps it in projecting itself as the sole superpower. Canada’s
Liberal Internationalism has helped it project the image of a good and
trustworthy international actor.
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
Note: i) Use the space given below for answers.
ii) See the end of Unit for tips for your answer.
1) What are the elements of National Power?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
29
Basic Concepts: Elements of
National Power, National
Interest, Collective Security,
Balance of Power
2.2.2 Limitations
Several factors reduce the effectiveness of national power. For one, balance of
power in international system keeps a check on each other and prevents states
from disrupting the balance. Second, as Neorealism points out, international
organizations and law regulate the behaviour of states. It lays down body of
rules that are binding upon them all. Third, international morality is a set of
moral rules and laws that checks the behaviour of states. International community
accepts certain morals like protection of human rights of all, securing right to
life, respect of sovereignty, and non-interference in other’s territory. Fourth, world
public opinion coerces state to form public policies according to public opinion.
Presence of strong peace movements, rights of ethnic groups and minorities,
campaign against sexual abuse, drugs prohibition, human trafficking and nuclear
weapons show how strong is international public opinion. Fifth, the principle of
‘collective security’ is there to manage national power. It is based on the principle
that states collectively achieve peace and security in case of violation by any
state/states. Lastly, Arms Control and Disarmament are a mechanism to limit
national power. Arms Control refers to reduction or control of arms race through
international agreements or policies. And Disarmament means abolishing arms
and ammunitions possessed till date.
2.3 UNDERSTANDING NATIONAL INTEREST
Hans Morgenthau defines National Interest as survival that includes “protection
of physical, political and cultural identity against encroachments by other nationstates”. V.V Dyke defines it as “The values, desires, and interests that states
seek to protect or achieve in relation to each other”. In general, national interest
can be defined as demands, goals, interests, and claims by a nation to protect,
preserve and defend its relations with other nation-states.
2.3.1 Components
There are two components: (i) necessary or vital components; and (ii) variable
or non-vital components. Let us explain them.
i) What do we mean by necessary or vital components? According to
Morgenthau, the components necessary for survival or identity of a nation
are termed vital components. He subdivides identity into three parts –
cultural, political and physical. Cultural identity consists of historical values
that are upheld by a nation as part of its cultural heritage. Physical identity
is defined as territorial identity and political identity means politicoeconomic system. Survival is a vital component in foreign policy.To achieve
this, a state can even go to war.
ii) What is the meaning of variable or non-vital components? They are
situational. These components are dependent on circumstances. They are
determined by factors such as decision makers, public opinion, party politics,
sectional or group interests, and political or moral factors. These are the
objectives that the states would like to see them fulfilled but they will not
go to war for them.
30
Introduction 2.3.2 Classification
Thomas W. Robinson classifies national interest into six types: (i) Primary
Interests: These are the interests that no state will ever compromise on. They are
securing political, cultural and physical identity of the nation. (ii) Secondary
Interests: They are less significant than primary interests. It includes protecting
citizens staying abroad and ensuring diplomatic immunities for diplomatic staff.
(iii) Permanent Interests: They are long-term interests of the State. For example:
China intends to preserve its hegemony in South Asian region. (iv) Variable
Interests: These interests depend on the circumstances and can sometimes bypass
primary and permanent interests. (v) General Interests: These interests apply to
a large number of nations, for example, international peace, food security, and
environmental protection. (vi) Specific Interests: These interests suit particular
nations. For example: Right to Development of Third World countries.
2.3.3 Methods of Securing National Interest
How do sovereign states secure their ‘national interests’? States adopt various
methods and tools to secure their perceived ‘national interests’. Some of these
methods and tools are as follows:
i) Diplomacy:Diplomacy is one of the persuasive measures to secure national
interests. Countries negotiate, bargain, compromise and coordinate to achieve
their desired ends and outcomes. It is an effective means of conflict
resolution.
ii) Propaganda: Frankel has defined propaganda as the “systematic attempt to
affect the minds, emotions, and actions of a given group for a specific public
purpose”. Propaganda involves the art of statesmanship. It allows persuading
others on the justness of their goals to secure national interest. Proliferation
of Internet has enhanced the scope of propaganda. Social websites are used
to mould the public opinion.
iii) Economic Means: Rich and developed countries use economic aid and loans
to advance their interests in international arena. Poor countries depend on
powerful countries for technological know-how, foreign aid, industrial goods,
and for selling of raw materials. In these times of globalization, free economic
exchange has become an important means of securing national interest.
iv) Alliances and Treaties: They are signed between two or more countries to
secure their national interests. It becomes a legal obligation by the allied
country to work for the designated common goals. For example, US and its
allies formed military alliances such as the NATO and CENTO after the
Second World War to counter the threat of Communism. On the other hand,
Warsaw Pact was signed between socialist countries to prevent the spread
of Capitalism.
v) Coercive Measures: States use coercive measures to realize their goals and
objectives. International law also recognizes the use of coercive measures
which are short of war. Coercive measures include intervention, embargoes,
boycotts, retaliation, sanctions and severance of relations etc. which states
use to achieve their goals. Though war and aggression are discouraged in
international system as it disrupts international peace and harmony, but
31
Basic Concepts: Elements of
National Power, National
Interest, Collective Security,
Balance of Power
certain illegal means are used by powerful states to achieve their ends. For
example, USA declared War on Terror and attacked Iraq without UN
approval. But states should generally refrain from use of force and employ
peaceful methods for conflict resolution to allow coexistence and mutual
cooperation.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
Note: i) Use the space given below for answers.
ii) See the end of Unit for tips for your answer.
1) What are the elements of National Interest?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
2.4 BALANCE OF POWER
The Realist school gives a good deal of importance to the idea and practice of
balance of power (BoP) in International Relations. Following paragraphs explain
the concept in detail.
2.4.1 Meaning
In International Relations, BoP is defined as the distribution of equal power
among nations. When the power is more or less equally distributed, then no one
state can dominate others and no state feels threatened. Balance of Power theory
says if one state becomes powerful, then it will attack the weaker state thereby
providing an opportunity to the threatened states to form a defensive coalition.
Sidney Fay describes it as just equilibrium so that none of the nations become
strong to exert its will or force on another state. Inis Claude explains it as “a
system in which some nations regulate their power relations without any
interference by any big power”. The logic behind Balance of Power theory is
that there is no world government. And each state has to rely on its own resources
and strategies to prevent being attacked from another. So when a country faces
threat from a powerful country, it either mobilizes its own resources or it gets
into an alliance with other states so as to balance the adversary.
2.4.2 Nature
i) Temporary and Unstable: BoP is short lived. And countries constantly
change their allegiances and alliances to serve their national interests.
ii) Requires Active Intervention: BoP is not a gift from nature. It is to be built
and maintained with the active intervention from political leaders.
iii) War tests the efficacy of BoP: BoP prevents the outbreak of war and when
the war happens, BoP is broken.
32
Introduction iv) Not a device of Peace: BoP happens because of the volatile international
situation. It is no guarantee of peace.
v) Big Powers are the main players: Strong powers are the main players in
creating and maintaining BoP whereas small powers are either allied partners
or spectators or victims in the play.
vi) Requires Multiple States: For BoP to happen, it requires multiple states to
maintain power relations.
vii) National Interest is the priority: It can be adopted by any State and national
interest is the basis for deciding it.
2.4.3 History of BoP
BoP concept has been as old as history. It was used by Greeks and Thucydides;
an ancient Athenian political theorist said that BoP leads to security in international
system. In 15th century during Renaissance, the concept was revived again among
Italian city-states. The idea of internationalism was replaced by BoP after the
signing of Treaty of Westphalia in 1648 that demarcated the sovereign states.
For a century, from 1815 to 1914, international security was maintained by BoP.
However, the outbreak of First World War in 1914 broke the balance among
different nations. The concept was revived again between 1919 and 1939 but it
failed again when the Second World War happened. The Cold War era maintained
precarious balance among communist states led by USSR and capitalist states
headed by USA. Post the disintegration of Soviet Union and the socialist bloc,
USA adopted the role of world leader and unipolarity became the basis of
international relations. With emergence of rising powers such as China, India
and others and resultant multipolarity in the international system, the relevance
of BoP has been renewed.
2.4.4 Methods
Compensation: It is mainly territorial compensation. A state gets divided or
annexed if it is considered dangerous for the balance. Colonial powers used this
method to divide the territories amongst themselves if there was a threat to their
colonial possessions and to the balance among them. Prior to the First World
War, European imperial powers divided and carved out new borders of small
states especially in the eastern Europe and the Balkans.
Alliances and Counter Alliances:A group of nations enter into an alliance to
counter the threat and secure their position and enhance their power in
international system. Usually, a formation of an alliance leads to a counter alliance.
During Cold War, USA formed NATO, SEATO, CENTO and Soviet Union created
Warsaw Pact.
Intervention and Non-Intervention: It’s a dictatorial method carried out to change
or maintain a desired situation in a country. USSR’s intervention in Afghanistan,
American intervention in Cuba, North Korea, Vietnam, Iraq are few examples.
Divide and Rule: It’s a divisive measure to control and weaken the opponent.
For example, China has been trying to break unity among ASEAN nations so
that they do not stand united against its aggressive moves in South China Sea.
33
Basic Concepts: Elements of
National Power, National
Interest, Collective Security,
Balance of Power
Buffer Zones: There are neutral areas that separate two big powers which are
generally adversaries. Each superpower then tries to exert influence on the buffer
zone and take its control leading to struggle between the two big powers in the
neutral zone.
Armaments and Disarmaments: To secure themselves in international system,
countries compete in arms race by accumulating weapons for their defence. This
can be deterrent to world peace and security and can lead to war. Currently,
disarmament has gained traction where countries are asked to reduce and gradually
eliminate the use of weapons as defense and offence mechanism. Treaties like
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT), Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons ask
for banning of weapons.
Balancer: This concept is used less frequently now given the unipolarity/
multipolarity syndrome in world order. But earlier Britain played the role of a
balancer in Europe. A balancer plays a neutral role and is not allied to any of the
contending party. It negotiates and mediates between the two so as to keep the
balance.
2.4.5 Critical Evaluation
Arguments in Favour of the usefulness of BoP as a tool to maintain international
peace and stability are as follows:
i) BoP is a source of stability in international system. Fredric Geniz remarked
“BoP has many a times prevented a war. War breaks out only when any
state assumes excessive power”.
ii) It aids in adjustments and readjustments so as to prevent the outbreak of
war.
iii) Multiple states participate to maintain the status quo and it often leads to
bipolarity or multipolarity in the international system.
iv) Small states enjoy the public goods such as law and order, international
peace, security being offered in the balance.
v) It discourages war. Usually a counter alliance exists to counter the threat of
a hegemonic alliance. A strong opposition limits the excessive power of
either party.
vi) It is a source of peace and world order. From 1815-1914, it successfully
prevented war.
Arguments not in favour of BoP are:
i) BoP lost its relevance in the 1990s as the world became unipolar. In military
terms, the world remains unipolar and USA is the hegemon. No group of
countries can balance the US as of now.
ii) BoP is not an adequate and efficient way of maintaining order in international
society. It inculcates a sense of fear.
iii) BoP is an uncertain and fragile arrangment. As it is based on fear and
insecurity looms large.
iv) States are not usually free to break alliances.
34
Introduction v) It’s not real peace. International peace is based on morality and protection
of human rights. Peace in BoP is based on constant fear of conflict.
vi) States are not static. Their powers keep expanding or reducing which can,
and does, threatens the precariousness of BoP.
2.4.6 Is BOP Still Relevant?
International relations have undergone a sea change. Earlier, European states
ruled the roost. Now the emergence of various powers in Asia, Africa and Latin
America has abated the supremacy of major powers making BoP principle
redundant. Secondly, the end of imperialism and colonialism also contributed to
the decline of European powers who were the major players in BoP. Third, the
balancer has disappeared from the international arena. Britain had done this job
earlier. Fourth, proliferation of nuclear weapons has created a dreadful situation.
Their use can lead to a catastrophic war that can cause irreversible change. How
do you balance a nuclear power? The nations no longer want a total war. Sadly,
Balance of Power keeps the option of war open. Fifth, the emergence of United
Nations and other international and regional actors have played an important
role in diffusing tensions and contributing to harmony and peace. BoP belongs
to the era when international organizations did not exist. But BoP has not become
completely obsolete. From international arena, it has shifted to regional area.
Critics of BoP like Martin Wright and Friendrich admit that BoP is still a
fundamental element in international relations.
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
Note: i) Use the space given below for answers.
ii) See the end of Unit for tips for your answer.
1) What is Balance of Power?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
2.5 COLLECTIVE SECURITY
2.5.1 Definition
It is a security arrangement in the political, regional or global arena in which a
state accepts that security of one is the security of all. Therefore, the states in a
group collectively cooperate to provide security to all in case of any threat or
breach of peace. Collective security acts as a deterrent against aggression because
the collective power of all nations is used to repel aggression or war against any
state. It is based on the principle that aggression against one is an aggression
against all. For international peace and community, aggression has to be countered
with collective action by a group of states. Schleicher explains “collective security
as an arrangement among states in which all promise, in the event any member
of the system engages in certain prohibited acts (war and aggression) against
35
Basic Concepts: Elements of
National Power, National
Interest, Collective Security,
Balance of Power
another member, to come to latter’s assistance.” The two key elements of
collective security are ‘security’ and ‘collective’. Security of one nation is
inextricably linked to the security of all nations. National security is international
security. Breach of security of one nation entails breach of security of all nations.
‘Collective’ here means that group of states has to collectively deal with the
aggressor. It highlights the spirit of ‘All for One and One for All.’
Organski in his work World Politics lists five basic assumptions of collective
security: (i) In an armed conflict, member nation-states will be able to agree who
is the aggressor. (ii) All member nation-states are equally committed to contain
the aggression. (iii) All member nation-states have same freedom of action and
ability to join in the aggression. (iv) The collective power of the member-states
will be adequate to counter the aggression. (v) In the context of collective security,
the aggressor country will modify his action or have to face defeat.Morgenthau
gives three prerequisites for the success of collective security: (i) The collective
military strength has to be in excess to that of the aggressor in order to defeat
him. (ii) The member-states must share the same beliefs of the security of world
order. (iii) Conflicting interests among member-states should be subordinated
to common good, which is common defence of all member-states.
2.5.2 Chief Features
i) An instrument of power management: In order to preserve international
peace, collective security is used to manage the crisis at the time of war or
attack.
ii) It acknowledges universality of aggression: It admits that aggression will
happen and a group of states has to be formed to counter it.
iii) Nations have commitment to end aggression: All nations pool their resources
to stop the aggression.
iv) It prevents war: An aggressor nation will avoid war as it knows that its act
will be met with collective defence.
v) War is the enemy and not the state: Collective Security works towards
eliminating war not the aggressive state.
2.5.3 UN Collective Security Concept
The Charter of United Nations states that collective security system can be used
for the preservation of international peace and security. Chapter VII of the UN
Charter talks about collective security system and its title reads: Action with
Respect to Threats to the Peace, and Acts of Aggression. Chapter VII contains
13 Articles, Articles 39-51, which provide for a collective system to secure
international peace and security. UN Security Council has been assigned the job
of initiating collective security action against the act of aggression. The 13 articles
provide for the following.
Article 39: Responsibility of Security Council to determine whether an action is
an act of aggression or not and to decide on the steps to secure international
peace.
Article 40: States that the first step towards prevention of war/aggression can be
provisional measures like ceasefire Article 41: Refers to enforcement actions other than collective military actions.
It can recommend sanctions against the aggressor.
Article 42: Security Council can take military action to preserve international
peace and security
Article 43: Members of Security Council are required to contribute resources,
effort and forces for raising collective security force that may have to take action
under Article 42.
Articles 44-47: Procedures for raising, maintaining and using UN Peace Keeping
Force for collective security action.
Article 48: Action on the decision of Security Council is to be taken by all the
members or some of them as the Security Council may determine.
Article 49: Members of the United Nations have to mutually assist in carrying
out decisions by Security Council.
Article 50: Lays down the ways in which non-member states can adjust their
policies and actions towards the decision that may be taken up by the Security
Council under Articles 41-42
Article 51: In case of an armed attack against a State, UN accepts the right of the
State to individually or collectively take measures for self defense until the
Security Council has taken measures to protect international peace and security.
Collective Security was used for the first time in 1950 to solve Korean Crisis. In
1956, it was used again in Suez Canal crisis. It has also been used during the
crises in Congo, Hungary, Lebanon, Iran-Iraq war, war against Al-Qaeda in
Afghanistan in the year 2001. However Collective Security came under severe
scanner when the USA launched attack on Iraq in 2003 without UN’s consent.
2.5.4 Critical Evaluation
Though Collective Security was formulated for noble reasons of preserving
international peace and security, but its too idealistic in nature. It assumes that
there exists complete understanding among nations to protect each other. Also,
at times it is not possible to identify the aggressor. The aggressor might act in
self defense. Collective security admits war as a means to secure peace. And
there is high probability that war might not be neutral and can be influenced by
an ideology or vested interest. The other major problem is that the UN lacks a
permanent international force to enforce the collective security decision of the
Security Council. The process is slow and the time gap between the date of
aggression and the date by which an international peacekeeping force is raised
and reaches the troubled spot is big. Lastly, collective security is a dangerous
concept as the local war can escalate into a global war. Despite the above
criticisms, collective security remains a device of crisis management to secure
world peace and prevent war.
37
Basic Concepts: Elements of
National Power, National
Interest, Collective Security,
Balance of Power
Check Your Progress Exercise 4
Note: i) Use the space given below for answers.
ii) See the end of Unit for tips for your answer.
1) Critically evaluate the concept of collective security.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
2.6 LET US SUM UP
International system is governed by important components namely national power,
national interest, balance of power and collective security. States enhance their
national power by making efficient use of geography, natural resources,
population, economic development, technology, military, industrial capacity,
leadership, ideology, diplomacy etc. States then use the enhanced national power
to secure their respective national interests. National interest is the protection of
physical, political and cultural identity against encroachments by other nation
states. Since every nation works towards enhancing its national power and wants
to uphold its national interest, there are high chances that it can disrupt
international order. Balance of power and collective security are two mechanisms
through which peace and harmony can be preserved at international level.
2.7 REFERENCES
Baylis, John et al. (eds.) (2015). The Globalisation of World Politics. New Delhi:
OUP.
Chatterjee, Aneek. (2018). International Relations Today. New Delhi: Pearson.
Cartsnaes, Walter, et al. (eds.) (2012). Handbook of International Relations. New
Delhi: Sage.
George, Jim and Anthony D. Burke. (2007). An Introduction to International
Relations.
Heywood, A. (2011). Global Politics. Palgrave Foundations.
Hocking, Brian and Michael Smith. (2014). World Politics: An Introduction to
International Relations. London: Routbdge.
Kumar, Mahendra. (2017). The Theoretical Aspects of International Politics.
Agra: Shivlal Aggarwal.
Wilkinson, Paul. (2007). International Relations.New Delhi: OUP.
38
Introduction 2.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
1) Your answer should highlight following points
Geography, natural resources, population, economic development,
industrial capacity, technology, military preparedness, ideology,
leadership, national character, morale and diplomacy
Check your progress Exercise 2
1) Your answer should highlight the following
Diplomacy, propaganda, economic means, alliances, treaties and
coercive measures
Check your Progress Exercise 3
1) Your answer should highlight the following
BoP is defined as the distribution of equal power among nations
When power is more or less equally distributed; no one state can
dominate others
Check your Progress Exercise 4
1) Your answer should highlight the following
Collective Security was formulated for noble reason of preserving
international peace and security
It was too idealistic in nature
Admits war as a means to secure peace
It is also considered as a dangerous concept as the local war can escalate
into a global war

UNIT 3 EVOLUTION OF WORLD SYSTEM
(UPTO WORLDWAR-II)*
Structure
3.0 Objectives
3.1 Introduction
3.2 From Ancient to Modern
3.3 Rise of West
3.4 First World War
3.4.1 Factors Responsible for First World War
3.4.2 Peace Treaties
3.4.3 Treaty of Versailles
3.5 Second World War
3.5.1 Causes of Second World War
3.5.2 The Second World War Begins
3.6 Let Us Sum Up
3.7 References
3.8 Answers to Check Your Progress
3.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit, you will get an overview of the world system through various
civilizations; rise of the West; rise of conflicts, and the causes of First and Second
World Wars. After going through this Unit, you should be able to know:
World system through the age
Causes of First World War
Treaty of Versailles and
Causes of Second World War
3.1 INTRODUCTION
The insatiable wants of humans led to the finest discoveries in the world and yet
also caused wars at an unimaginable level. Humans gave up their nomadic style
of living in favour of permanent settlement. They built agriculture to provide
food and fodder. Urbanization also took its root. This promoted trade and led to
the facilitation of communication. The origin of writing also aided in better
communication. But soon the early forms of development fell into abyss after
the advent of Dark Ages. Dark Ages brought the rein of superstition and religion
and logic and rationality took a backseat. The Dark Ages soon ended for betterment
of society and European civilization became the dominant in international
relations. The rule of West caused the dissemination of ideas of rationality, logic,
debate and reason. Scientific temper was celebrated. And the advent of industrial
revolution brought in the provision of basic necessities, comfort of industrial
*
Dr. Mithila Bagai, Dept. of Political Science, Maitreyi College, University of Delhi, New Delhi
40
Introduction goods and further development of means of communication and transportation.
But the greed of acquiring more and more profit from the sale of manufactured
goods led to expansion of their territories and converting far away regions and
societies into colonies. This gave rise to imperialism and colonialism. The fight
to retain their colonies and acquire more led to the two World Wars and
immeasurable loss of human lives.
3.2 FROM ANCIENT TO MODERN
The history at the world level commenced with the establishment of successive
ancient civilizations. The hunter-gatherer community gave up nomadism in place
of permanent settlement, developed agriculture to produce crops for food, looked
for avenues for trade and exchange and also set up urban cities. Mesopotamia
civilization, now part of Republic of Iraq, is regarded as the cradle of civilization
as it gave birth to three major civilizations from 3500-1500 BCE- the Sumerian,
the Babylonian and the Assyrian. Other early civilization developed in ancient
Egypt along the River Nile and it ended with the rise of Roman Empire. The two
prominent developments of the civilization were one, agriculture which led to
permanent settlement and the proliferation of urban cities and secondly, writing
that facilitated exchange and communication. Around 1600 BCE, Shang dynasty
sowed the seeds of Chinese civilization which corresponded with the Bronze
Age. Earliest civilization in South Asia arose in Indus river valley, now part of
Pakistan, and it flourished between 2600 and 1900 BCE. Ancient India whose
borders stretched from modern day Afghanistan to Bangladesh, arose in 500
BCE and gave birth to the golden age of classical Hindu culture and rich Sanskrit
literature.
Around 1000 BCE, also known as the period of classical antiquity saw the
emergence of various civilizations in the area of Mediterranean Sea. It led to the
establishment of two prominent cities – Ancient Greece and Ancient Rome. But
the classical world soon descended into chaos when nomadic people mounted an
attack on the great ancient civilizations and the era came to be notoriously known
as ‘Dark Ages’ that spread from Mediterranean to China. It not only affected
Greek and Romans but also all the developed civilizations of Eurasia. In the 5th
and 6th centuries, Europe was disrupted by the constant barbarian invasions of
Germanic and Slav people who later settled there. In the 9th and 10th centuries,
Vikings, Magyars and Saracens carried out further invasions. The prominent
was the rise of Mongols, the nomadic people in 1206 and 1405 whose empire
stretched from eastern frontiers of Germany and from Arctic Ocean to Turkey
and Persian Gulf. Mongol invasion left a deep impact on world history, changing
the political organization of Asia and large parts of Europe and the ethnic
composition of many regions by uprooting and displacing them. But it also opened
the routes and connected Europe with Asia and Far East.
3.3 RISE OF WEST
Around 1500, Europe based civilization became the dominant civilization in the
world. Westernization became synonymous with modernization. Non-Western
societies started imitating Western countries for their growth in political,
economic, cultural and social spheres. From fifteenth century and continuing till
early seventeenth century, Portuguese, Spanish, British, French and Dutch
41
Evolution of International
System (Up to the World
War-II)
explored India and Far East. They started trading in spices, tea, cane sugar,
tobacco, precious metals, and slaves. Rise of West brought immense changes at
the world level. Politically, Peace of Westphalia signed in 1648 created
independent and sovereign states with strong central governments. Breakdown
of feudalism and advent of market and capitalist society brought socio-economic
changes. Industrialization started developing in Britain in mid-eighteenth century
becoming the workshop of the world.
Culturally, the rise of West brought in Renaissance in Italy in Middle Ages. The
European intellectuals highlighted the ideas of reason, rationality, scientific
temper, debate and critical enquiry that led to the growth of technological advance
and scientific civilization.With the advent of technology and scientific temper,
Western countries moved out to establish trade links to an extent that they secured
their trading relations with other countries by keeping them as colonies. Therefore,
scramble for colonies started. Building of land and maritime transportation and
communication lines facilitated tradie and migration of people. But this ‘incipient
globalization’ as Scholte calls it, came to an end with the outbreak of the First
World War in 1914.
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
Note: i) Use the space given below for answers.
ii) See the end of Unit for tips for your answer.
1) What is meant by Renaissance?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
3.4 FIRST WORLD WAR
The First World War started with the declaration of war on Serbia by Austria
Hungary on July 28, 1914. It was fought between Allied and Associated powers
on one side and Central powers on the other side. The former included France,
British Empire, Russia, Italy, USA which joined three years later, and Japan.
Central powers comprised of Germany, Austria Hungary and the Ottoman Empire.
3.4.1 The Factors Responsible for the First World War
A) After the French Revolution of 1789, nationalism became an important factor
in international relations. This led to unity as well as divisions. For example:
German and Italian reunifications were the result of national aspirations.
Dissolution of Ottoman Empire and demands for national independence in
Balkans and other East European countries are credited to the rise of
nationalism. On one hand, where nationalism brought the freedom of
countries and also led to unification in some. On the other hand, nationalism
also sowed the seeds of conflicts and tensions. Britain propagated the theory
of ‘white man’s burden’ and Germany upheld the ‘supremacy of Aryan race’.
Such ideas created the ‘Other’ and ‘Us’ divide in society.
42
Introduction B) Economic imperialism was another significant factor that contributed to
the First World War. The advent of Industrial Revolution created the grounds
for colonialism and imperialism. Big imperial powers wanted to occupy
new colonies to buy cheap raw materials for manufacturing finished goods,
buy cheap laborers and the market to sell the manufactured goods. In this
horde of occupying new colonies and to build the political, military and
economic strength resulted in many rivalries and conflicts.
C) Formation of secret alliances was another reason. After the Franco-Prussian
war, Germany tried to keep France weak. Bismarck was the undisputed
leader of Germany for twenty years and dominated European politics also.
A secret alliance was concluded between Germany and Austria-Hungary
against Russia after the Congress of Berlin while the League of Three
Emperors between Germany, Austria-Hungary and Russia was in place.
Later, Germany entered into a Dual Alliance with Russia in a Reinsurance
Treaty. Italy also joined sometime later. This Triple Alliance was formed to
isolate France. After the fall of Bismarck, many counter alliances came
forth. France-Russian entente challenged Triple Alliance. In 1904, the
disputes between France and British were resolved and they signed Entente
Cordiale. Disputes were also settled between Russia and Britain in 1907
and they signed a Treaty of Friendship. A Triple Entente was thus formed.
This divided the major European powers into two camps – Triple Alliance
and Triple Entente and each one befriended other nations to enhance their
military strength.
D) Another reason was the race for armaments. Entire Europe was shaken by
the might of Napolean’s army and his adventures. The other nations also
had to build up their militaries to defeat him. After Napolean was defeated
at Waterloo, new powers emerged and they also joined the arms race.
Germany, Russia, Austria-Hungary started acquiring more military power.
Japan’s military strength was not only a concern for China and Korea but
also Russia and United States. War became the major factor for establishing
superiority in international relations.
E) Following the arms race, Anglo-German naval rivalry became predominant.
Britain was the sole superpower who was the king of seas till the end of
nineteenth century. After Germany under young Emperor Kaiser William II
strengthened its navy, Britain left its isolation and jumped to counter the
rising Germany in the seas.
F) Absence of an effective international organization was one of the main
reasons for breakout of the First World War. Though an informal group of
major European powers named Concert of Europe came into being but it
could not abate the rising conflicts. Imperial rivalries and arms race could
not be arrested. It was not a formal organization and did not have the
representation of the world countries. The two Hague conferences did discuss
peaceful settlement of disputes and the institution of arbitration was also
included. But peaceful resolution of disputes could not be brought in.
G) The negative role of press was also considered a significant point for
culmination of the First World War. Forty years prior to the war, several
governments made sincere efforts to ease the tensions simmering between
countries but press played the major spoil sport in creating war psychology
amongst the masses.
43
Evolution of International
System (Up to the World
War-II)
H) Personal ambitions of leaders were also responsible for the First World War.
Kaiser William II of Germany wanted to build up naval supremacy and was
not willing to accept any compromise. Russian Czar and his wife were overly
ambitious and was instrumental in provoking Serbia against AustriaHungary.
I) Rivalry between Austria and Serbia deteriorated the international situation.
Austria-Hungary wanted to expand its empire by annexing Slav territories
and having access to seas. On the other hand, Serbia represented Slav
nationalism and was working for the union of Southern Slavs. The tension
between these two was further exacerbated by the intervention of Russian
Czar and his wife.
J) The assassination of Archduke Franz Ferdinand, Austrian heir apparent and
his wife on June 28, 1914 hit the final nail in the coffin. The allegation was
put on Slav extremists of Serbia. Austria gave 48 hours ultimatum and
demanded – to stop all anti Austrian propaganda, to arrest and prosecute
the Serbian authorities involved in the assassination, to dissolve the terrorist
organizations, and to allow Austrian officials to visit to participate in the
trial of conspirators. Serbia agreed to most of these conditions but Russia
promised assistance to Serbia that made the latter change her attitude.
Austria-Hungary declared war on Serbia and other countries soon joined
in.
Germany, even after the war had started, persuaded Austria to adopt a soft
approach. Russia mobilized its forces on July 30, 1914 and came to the aid of
Serbia. Germany asked Russia to withdraw and when Russia did not oblige,
Germany launched an attack on Serbia and Russia on August 1, 1914. France
was also an ally of Russia. Germany also attacked France on August 3 and invaded
Belgium to enter France from Belgium borders. Britain too entered the war as it
wanted to protect Belgian neutrality. Bulgaria and Turkey joined on the side of
Germany and Austria-Hungary. They were known as Central Powers. France,
Russia, Britain, Serbia and many other countries were called Allied and Associated
powers. Italy remained neutral for some time but then joined Allies when Britain
promised her territories after the war. Germany forced United States to enter the
war after the former were sinking US ships in the Atlantic. Russia withdrew
from war after the Bolshevik Revolution. Germany surrendered unconditionally
in November 1918. Central powers were defeated and peace treaties were imposed
on them.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
Note: i) Use the space given below for answers.
ii) See the end of Unit for tips for your answer.
1) Explain the causes of First World War.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
44
Introduction 3.4.2 Peace Treaties
Number of peace treaties were signed between the Allies and Central Powers
during 1919-1920 and the most important of them was The Treaty of Versailles
signed between Allies and defeated Germany. Separate treaties were signed with
other defeated powers- Treaty of St. German with Austria on September 10,
1919 and Treaty of Neuilly with Bulgaria on November 27, 1919; Treaty of
Trianon with Hungary on June 4, 1920.
3.4.3 Treaty of Versailles
It was the most humiliating treaty imposed on Germany. The German delegates
were not even consulted. They were invited to Paris but were put in far away
hotels surrounded by barbed wires and policemen. They were called only when
the draft was ready for the handover. And the second time, they were called for
signing it. German delegation was not allowed to sit on the main table and they
were escorted by armed guards like criminals. The provisions in the Treaty were
also very harsh. Germany lost territories practically from all the four sides and
were distributed to most of her neighbouring countries. She also lost overseas
territories. In total, she lost fifteen per cent of her territory and one tenth of her
population. Huge reparation costs were imposed on Germany to recover losses
made by victors. She was crippled militarily. Her army’s strength was reduced,
was not allowed to have naval aircrafts, submarines and air force. The objective
of Treaty of Versailles was to end war and ensure lasting peace. But the Second
World War began just after 20 years, 2 months and 4 days after signing of Treaty.
League of Nations failed to prevent the outbreak of the Second World War.
3.5 THE SECOND WORLD WAR
The Second World War began with the German attack on Poland on September
1, 1939. Britain and France came in defence of Poland and launched an attack
on Germany on September 3, 1939. Soon many countries waged war on Germany.
Japan attacked China. Italy remained neutral for sometime but finally joined
Germany in June 1940. After Germany had victories over many countries, she
launched war against Soviet Union on June 22, 1941. USA entered war after
Japan bombarded Pearl Harbor on December 7, 1941. It was fought between the
Allies (Britain, France, Soviet Union, USA and their allies) and Axis powers
(Germany, Italy and Japan). It ended with the unconditional surrender of Italy,
Germany and Japan.
3.5.1 Causes of the Second World War
1) Treaty of Versailles: The treaty was a diktat on Germany. France was
defeated by Germany in 1871 and wanted to avenge this insult. In Paris
conference, France humiliated Germany and the treaty deprived her of her
territories, colonies, and military strength. Hitler took the leadership and
decided to avenge the insult in Paris conference.
2) Failure of Collective Security System: Collective Security system was
devised after the First World War to provide security to the victim of
aggression by either imposing economic sanctions on the aggressor or by
lending military support. This was to be done under the auspices of
45
Evolution of International
System (Up to the World
War-II)
international organization, League of Nations. But League of Nations proved
ineffective. During the inter war years in 1931, Japan invaded China and
took control of Manchuria province. Japan defended her act by stating it
was a police action and not an aggression. League of Nations believed in
the promises of Japan that it would vacate from Manchuria once the safety
of life and property of Japanese are assured but it did not do it. Rather Japan
established puppet Manchukuo regime. When League of Nations asked
member nations not to recognize it, Japan being a permanent member and
big power left the international organization. In 1935, Italy waged a war on
Abyssinia and brought her under Italian empire. League of Nations imposed
economic sanctions and declared Italy as an aggressor. Since no military
action was taken, Italy did not care much. League of Nations did not take
any action against Germany when she repudiated military clauses of
Versailles Treaty, remilitarized Rhineland or annexed Austria or
dismembered Czechoslovakia. Failure of collective security system caused
another World War.
3) Failure of Disarmament: Paris Peace conference decided that the ultimate
objective of world peace could be ensured if the armaments are reduced to
a point of defense. But none of the countries took it seriously and the horde
for arms continued. Germany was disarmed and victor nations were to be
disarmed later. The latter never did it. Germany left League of Nations and
declared formally that she was no longer bound by Treaty of Versailles.
Thus, Germany began the accumulation of weapons that paved the way for
armed conflict.
4) World Economic Crisis: It began in 1929 with sudden stoppage of American
loans to European countries. Germany was heavily dependent on loans for
its industrial progress. It proved to be the worst affected country where
7lakhs people were left unemployed. Germany stopped making payments
of reparation. Nazi dictatorship under Adolf Hitler took over the reins of
the country. Japan also took advantage of economic crisis and established
puppet Manchukuo regime in Manchuria in 1932. Italy also conquered
Abyssinia.
5) Rome-Berlin-Tokyo Axis: Germany, Italy and Japan formed an anticommunist front by concluding Anti Comintern Pact in 1936-37. It was
aimed at imperialist expansion. They discouraged peaceful settlement of
disputes and glorified war. They victimized smaller nations like China,
Austria, Czechoslovakia, Albania and Poland. Their aggressions and war
like acts went unpunished.
6) Problem of National Minorities: Large national minorities were left in
new nation states created in Europe after the First World War. For example:
Large German minorities were in Poland and Czechoslovakia in the company
of non-Germans, Russian minorities were in Poland and Rumania; Hungarian
minorities were in Rumania and Yugoslavia; and German and Slav minorities
were in Italy. This aroused the feeling of dissatisfaction and fear among
minorities. Hitler aroused the sentiments of national minorities and
demanded union with their member states. He annexed Austria and destroyed
and dismembered Czechoslovakia and invaded Poland to bring Germany
under one political umbrella.
46
Introduction 7) Failure of League of Nations: The international organization was formed
with the objective of maintaining peace and harmony at the world level.
But it could not protect smaller states against aggression by big powers.
USA itself did not become the member of League of Nations despite it
being the principal architect of the League and promoter of disarmament
and collective security. Germany and Russia were not invited to become its
members. Germany joined the League in 1926 but left it in 1933. USSR
came in 1934 and was expelled after invasion of Finland. Japan exited in
1933 and Italy in 1937. There were many other loopholes in the organization.
Decisions could be taken only through unanimous vote that was difficult to
get. It did not have its own armed forces and therefore could not prevent the
attack. Most of the members paid only lip service to the ideals of League.
8) German attack on Poland: On September 1, 1939 Germany attacked
Poland. When Britain and France ignored USSR’s attempt to ally with them,
Hitler entered into a non-aggression pact with Stalin. The two countries
had resolved to divide Eastern Europe into their spheres of influence. Hitler
wanted justice for his German minorities in Poland and therefore, he attacked
Poland in the West and USSR moved its troops in Poland from East. Britain
and France had assured Poland of their assistance in case of any attack.
Therefore, they attacked Germany to defend Poland. Many other countries
launched an attack on Germany that led to Second World War.
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
Note: i) Use the space given below for answers
ii) See the end of Unit for tips for your answer
1) Explain the causes of Second World War.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
3.5.2 The Second World War Begins
Germany attacked Poland on September 1, 1939 and USSR came to the aid of
Germany to divide its territories. Italy did not enter the war till 1940 but when
France was on the verge of surrender, Italy declared war on France from the side
of Germany. League of Nations expelled USSR when she attacked Finland. After
Germany had defeated most of her European neighbours, she attacked Soviet
Union on 22 June 1941. United States was opposed to the war. Neutrality Act
was passed in 1937 that prohibited sale of armaments to all countries engaged in
future wars. But when the war broke out and Germany was attacking the Western
democracies, America weakened the Neutrality Act. America came up with Cash
and Carry Act in 1939 that allowed countries at war to buy weapons in cash and
put those weapons in their own ships. Thus, USA began supplying armaments to
friendly countries such as Britain and China.
47
Evolution of International
System (Up to the World
War-II)
USA finally entered the war in December 1941. America and Japan had tense
relations. In July 1941, France agreed to Japan on the right to set up naval and air
bases in Indo-China. America in response froze Japanese assets. On December
6, President Roosevelt made a personal request to Japanese Emperor to maintain
peace. But, on December 7, Japan bombarded American naval fleet based at
Pearl Harbor. Few hours later, Japan declared war on USA and British Empire.
On December 11, USA was attacked by Germany and Italy. The war assumed
global proportions. Italy surrendered unconditionally on September 3, 1943. But
Germans entered Rome and the war continued. Allies captured Rome on June 4,
1944. On May 7, 1945 German government surrendered unconditionally all land,
sea and air forces of the Reich. The war in Europe ended on May 8, 1945. The
Second World War finally ended with Japan being occupied by Americans. On 6
August 1945, America dropped the first ever atom bomb on the city of Hiroshima
and on 9 August, 1945 on Nagasaki. On August 10, 1945 Japan asked for peace
but the surrender documents were signed only on September 2, 1945.
3.6 LET US SUM UP
In ancient times, humans gave up their nomadic style of living in favour of
permanent settlement. Urbanization also took its root after agriculture. This eas
followed by advent of trade and communication. However, this progress was
soon challenged by the Dark Ages, which brought the rein of superstition and
religion while logic and rationality took a backseat. The Dark Ages soon ended
for betterment of society and European civilization became the dominant in
international relations. The rule of West brought the ideas of rationality, logic,
debate and reason. The industrial revolution brought in the provision of basic
necessities, comfort of industrial goods and further development of means of
communication and transportation. But the greed of acquiring more profits led
to rise of imperialism and colonialism. The two World Wars in the first half of
the 20th century was a result of the fight to retain possession of colonies and
acquire more areas.
3.7 REFERENCES
Baylis, John et al. (eds.) (2015). The Globalisation of World Politics. New Delhi:
OUP.
Chatterjee, Aneek. (2018). International Relations Today. New Delhi: Pearson.
Cartsnaes, Walter, et al. (eds.) (2012). Handbook of International Relations. New
Delhi: Sage.
George, Jim and Anthony D. Burke. (2007). An Introduction to International
Relations.
Heywood, A. (2011). Global Politics. Palgrave Foundations.
Hocking, Brian and Michael Smith. (2014). World Politics: An Introduction to
International Relations. London: Routbdge.
Kumar, Mahendra. (2017). The Theoretical Aspects of International Politics.
Agra: Shivlal Aggarwal.
Wilkinson, Paul. (2007). International Relations.New Delhi: OUP.
48
Introduction 3.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
1) You answer should highlight following points
Renaissance highlighted ideas of reason, rationality, scientific temper,
debate and critical enquiry
It led to the growth of technological advance and scientific civilization
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
1) You answer should highlight following points
Rise of nationalism after French Revolution in 1789
Economic imperialism
Formation of secret alliances
Arms race
Absence of an effective international organization etc
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
1) You answer should highlight following points
Treaty of Versailles
Failure of Collective Security System
Failure of Disarmament
World Economic Crisis
Rome- Berlin-Tokyo Axis
Problem of National Minorities
Failure of League of Nation

German attack on Poland

BLOCK 2 APPROACHES
Block 2 is titled ‘Approaches’ and has four units. The Units in this Block describe
and analyze four major theoretical approaches used in the study the International
Relations (IR). The four approaches are: Realism, Systems Theory, Dependency
Framework and Constructivism. You may ask: why should one study theories?
Theories are important to understand IR, at least for two reasons: (i) Theoretical
frameworks give shape and structure to an otherwise large and shapeless reality;
(ii) Each theoretical perspective allows us to ask some insightful and consistent
questions. Unit 4 deals with Realism. What is Realism? The core element of
Realist theory is Power. Sovereign states seek power for their security; every
state fears attack from other states. Therefore, all states want to accumulate more
and more power. Unit 5 describes Systems framework. What is Systems approach?
Systems theory is a grand narrative. A biologist Ludwig von Bertalanffy had
propounded the General Systems Theory (GST). Bertalanffy made two grand
points: Systems’ approach proposes to study a phenomenon in terms of the
wholeness of a System – its self-organization, relationships, and interactions
among its various elements. Secondly, GST intends to explain a System, e.g.
international system, in its full interconnectedness with other Systems – economic
system, technological system, physical system, biological system, ecological
system, etc. Scholars have used Systems approach to study varied subjects –
political science, international relations, economics, sociology, physics and
biology, etc. As for political science and IR, Systems approach originated in the
context of the Cold War; and more so, to comprehend the political processes of
the developing countries. Unit 6 is entitled Dependency Theory. In fact, it is not
a theory because it cannot predict the solution. It is a framework of analysis.
Dependency (dependencia in Spanish) is an important framework that began in
the 1950s by analyzing the economic situation in Latin America. Unit 7 deals
with the Constructivist idea in IR. Constructivism is an IR theory which sees
international relations as a social construct. It emphasizes the role of ideational
factors such as culture, social values, identity, assumptions, rules, and language
in the construction of international relations rather than the material factors such
as military capabilities and economic resources.

UNIT 4 REALISM*
Structure
4.0 Objectives
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Realism: Main Assumptions and their Implications
4.3 Classical Realism
4.4 Neorealism
4.5 Criticism of Realism
4.6 Let Us Sum Up
4.7 References
4.8 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
4.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit, you will be reading about Realism. Realism is one of the theoretical
frameworks to study International Relations and foreign policy of a country. It
is the most dominant among various theoretical approaches to study IR. After
going through this Unit, you should be able to know:
The core assumptions of Realism
Classical Realism and Neorealism
Criticism and relevance of Realism
4.1 INTRODUCTION
It is really interesting to know that there are only two broad shades of contrasting
theories or perspectives about the nature of International Relations. One
perspective is that the International Relations, by its very nature, is conflict ridden.
The other perspective describes IR as essentially being cooperative and peaceful.
Broadly speaking, the principal theoretical approaches to the study IR agree
with one of the above-mentioned assumptions. Then there are other theoretical
frameworks which try to combine and reconcile the two contrasting viewpoints.
Still others criticize these dominant outlooks and offer alternative approaches of
looking at the IR; even change it. The aim and purpose of this Unit is to introduce
you to the importance of national power and the conflict-ridden nature of IR.
Realist School is a long-standing and dominant theoretical tradition in the study
of IR. What follows is a discussion of the following questions: (i) What are the
core theoretical assumptions of Realism? (ii) Who are the principal thinkers who
have shaped Realist School of IR? (iii) Does Realism stand the test of criticisms
and iv) Does it remain relevant in understanding and explaining the contemporary
world?
* Dr. Ujjwal Rabidas, Dept. of International Studies and History, School of Law, Christ (Deemed
to be University), Bengaluru
52
Approaches 4.2 REALISM: MAIN ASSUMPTIONS AND THEIR
IMPLICATIONS
Assumptions are logical beliefs and are very important as these are building
blocks of a theoretical approach. For example, you assume that man is selfish by
nature; or that he is a social animal who loves to cooperate and live peacefully
with other human beings. These assumptions together help explain a problem
and provide coherence to a perspective or approach to IR. For these reasons, it is
important to know the core assumptions of Realism that it uses as its basic tools
to make sense of the InternationalRelations (Legro and Moravcsik, 1999).
i) States are the Primary Actors in the International System
This assumption of Realism has three expressed meanings: i) International
politics is a domain of conflict between and among sovereign states.
Conflictual interaction among these sovereign states is the core of
international politics. (ii) States in international politics are sovereign, unitary
and rational actors. At least at conceptual level, sovereign states are
supremely powerful, unified with fixed political goals and they do costbenefit analyses. (iii) In its interaction with other states, each state seeks to
promote and guarantee its own ‘interest’. The foremost interest of each
state is its own security and expansion of its power. (iv) In order to ensure
its own security, each state seeks to secure and accumulate power. Power
alone deters others from attacking it. In other words, every state is out to
enhance and expand its capability at the cost of other states.
ii) IR is Anarchic in Character
In Realism, ‘anarchy’ defines International Relations. Anarchy means that
there is no “central authority” or “world government” to manage or put in
order the international relations among sovereign states which are distrustful
of each other and which, out of a sense of insecurity, accumulate more and
more power so as to become ‘secure’. ‘Anarchy’ is an assumed political
condition in which there is no world authority to enforce order. This assumed
condition “frees” the state to undertake cost-benefit calculations and act
towards its self-interest or “national interest” by depending solely on its
own capability. Capability – military, technological, economic, and political
– must continue to expand and become formidable; otherwise the state may
risk its life and protection.
iii) Control over Material Resources is Fundamental to World Politics
In order to enhance its capability, every state is constantly striving to gain
maximum control over the material resources and this tendency to control
is fundamental to the world politics. Realism tries to justify this assumption
by linking it with other assumptions that the approach fosters. States are
motivated to have control over material resources because i) there is no
central authority to reasonably distribute the resources among its constituent
units; ii) the material resources are not in abundance; and iii) the material
resources add to the coercive capacity of a state against its counterparts
which is critical in an anarchic political set up. These reasons motivate a
state to acquire more and more capability. Besides E. H. Carr, Hans
53
Morgenthau and Kenneth Waltz, a number of other scholars have developed Realism
ideas and insights which constitute the core of Realist School. Of, course,
there are important differences among these scholars; for instance, between
Morgenthau and Waltz. Be that as it may, while certain assumptions and
principles constitute the core of Realism, there are several strands or
categories within Realism.
Three principal assumptions have been stated above. What are the implications
of these and other assumptions? Let us have a look at the following:
i) Sovereign states are the only full actors in international system. Realists
draw from the ideas of Thomas Hobbes. Hobbes had described man as
selfish, rational and calculating. In a similar fashion, a state is selfish, rational
and thinks of its interests first. It feels insecure and remains distrustful of
the intentions of other states who think and behave exactly the same way.
Such a state has the tendency to prepare for war and expand its power at the
cost of another state, so as to guarantee its own security.
ii) With no supranational authority to impose order, international system,
inhabited by such ratioinal, self-centred and distrustful actors, is anarchic.
International system is simply a set of interacting states; each pursuing power
in order to ensure its survival and further aggrandizement. In other words,
anarchy in the international system produces an inherently unstable
condition.
iii) The foremost concern of every state is its security. To ensure its survival
and security, a state tends to accumulate power. As one state gathers more
power, other states fear it. There is the context of power accumulation by
every state and an atmosphere of mutual distrust.
iv) There is expediency in the behaviour of states. States may find it convenient
to follow established international ‘rules’ in the short term, they do so in
order to secure their long term goals viz. security and power. Realists argue
that states will violate these rules as soon as they are no longer convenient
to the state’s pursuit of power. After all, there is no global government to
enforce international law and customs.
v) According to Realism, international system is given shape and stability by
the relative power of its constituent states. This means that the system’s
polarity is an important Realist tool when analysing the nature of
international relations on the global or regional scale. Realism’s model of
the anarchic international system helps it to explain the persistence of war –
defined as large-scale organised violence between two or more international
actors in pursuit of political ends. Realism is a good guide in explaining the
causes of war in international relations. It does so by simplifying the world–
highlighting just those actors and interactions that contribute to its
explanation of international conflict. Realists claim that they understand
the world; that their claims are grounded in actual behaviour of the states
and the ruling elites; therefore Realism is empirical and scientific.
54
Approaches Check Your Progress Exercise 1
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.
ii) See the end of the Unit for tips for your answer.
1) Describe and analyze the main assumptions of Realism and their
implications.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
4.3 CLASSICAL REALISM
Realism has inherited a long and rich intellectual tradition. Its principal claims
can be found in important works from Greece, Rome, India, and China. Scholars
suggest that Greek philosopher Thucydides’ History of The Peloponnesian War
illustrates Realism’s scepticism about the restraining effects of morality.
Thucydides notes that what is ‘right’ matters only between equals; otherwise
strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must. Kautilya’s in his
Arthashastra is concerned with the survival and expansion of the state. Kautilya
instructs the ruler in the usefulness of balance of power system and carving out
spheres of influence. The Italian political philosopher Niccolo Machiavelli (1469–
1527) advised the ruler to be strong and efficient and be concerned primarily
with power and security. Such a ruler is not bound by individual morality. Any
action that is deemed important for the survival of the state carries with it a builtin justification. Realists draw a lot from Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679) and his
notion of a ‘state of nature’. Like Hobbes’s man in the ‘state of nature’, modern
state is a rational, calculating actor, concerned primarily with its own security
and aggrandizement. In the absence of an absolute ruler (Leviathan) to enforce
order and punish violators, Hobbes’s supreme and self-centred individual pursues
without restraints whatsoever his interest by constantly engaging in conflict.
The individual in the state of nature lives a life which is ‘solitary, poor, nasty,
brutish and short’. Same is true of a state living in the anarchic international
system. The assumptions about the international relations as, inhabited by rational
actors, being intrinsically anarchic; and states seeking to maximize their powers
and control over the necessary material resources took quite a time to become
the core elements of Realism. But identification of these core elements as
assumptions fundamental to Realism was as equal in importance to the subject
of IR as was their significance to the politics of Realism pursued by the big
powers of the day – largely in the period between the two world wars. Establishing
Realism as external conduct of powerful countries and also as a political
perspective or framework, especially after the Second World War, was at the
heart of identification and refinement of these assumptions.
Edward Hallett Carr was a noted historian, theorist, diplomat and journalist of
British origin. In his famous book The Twenty Years’ Crisis, 1919-1939, Carr
had aimed at developing a foundation of international politics to be based on
“realist thinking”. With his emphasis on Realist thinking of IR, Carr had wanted
55
to correct the imagination of world politics that he thought was then based on Realism
“utopia” or “utopian wishing” and not on ‘realistic’ or empirical bases. Carr
conceived of Realism as (i) the impact of “thinking” upon “wishing” and ii) end
of the utopian period. He advocated Realism after criticizing the utopian or idealist
view of world politics. First World War wrought devastation for the imperial
powers of Europe especially the vanquished Central powers. How to prevent
recurrence of another similar destructive war? US President Woodrow Wilson
came with 14-Point programme wherein he proposed establishment of an
international organization to maintain peace which culminated in the creation of
the League of Nations in 1919. He also proposed codification of customary
international law. Wilson was of the view that establishment of an international
legal-institutional framework will deter states from going to war and encourage
them to abide the laws and decisions of the League of Nations. Wilson made
two more important proposals: the principle of collective security was enshrined
in the charter of the League; and secondly, Wilson also proposed the right to
self-determination of minorities in Europe and, in general, peoples of the colonies.
This liberal idealism was short lived: European states did not change their
behaviour and their rivalries and expansionism led to the outbreak of Second
World War in 1939, within 20 years of the First Word War. For Carr, talking of
subjects like disarmament, collective security and an international police force
was “utopia” or “utopian wishing” in the wretched context of international
relations that had developed over a century between 1815 Vienna Conference
and the 1914 outbreak of the First World War. Carr rejected liberal idealism, or
Wilsonian idealism as it was sometimes called, as not based on rigorous thinking.
He called it utopia because he thought that it was not even based on an analysis
of the reality. Events proved Carr’s criticism of idealism correct. League of
Nations failed. It failed to have a honourable peace treaty concluded among
European imperial and colonial powers. Treaty of Versailles and all other treaties
reflected the interests of the victors and the humiliation of the vanquished. League
of Nations also failed to stop arms race among European powers. Disarmament,
collective security and international police force were among the important
political ideas that had informed the arrangement of the League of Nations. With
US not being part of it and several other nations abandoning it, the League and
its ideals stood defeated and abandoned within few years. In this context therefore
when Carr was tossing the idea of Realism, he actually meant to develope the
foundation of International Relations as a discipline as well as a practice that
would “scientifically” reflect the reality of the world; or would approximate to a
“true” picture of the world.
Twentieth-century ‘Classical’ Realism is generally dated back to 1939 and the
publication of Edward Hallett Carr’s The 20 Year’s Crisis. Several more Classical
Realists contributed in the decades during 1940s and 50s. It was, however, Hans
Morgenthau’s Politics among Nations: the Struggle for Power and Peace, which
became the undisputed standard bearer for ‘Political Realism’ (as Morgenthau
describes Realism), with its first publication in 1948. According to ‘Classical’
Realism, the desire for power and accumulate more power is rooted in the human
nature. It is understandable that states are continuously engaged in a struggle to
increase their capabilities without restraint. ‘Classical’ Realism explains the
tendency to conflict and war in terms of human nature. Particular wars are
explained, for example, by aggressive statesmen or by domestic political systems
that give greedy parochial groups the opportunity to pursue self-serving
expansionist foreign policies.
56
Approaches 4.3.1 Tenets of Classical Realism
A) International politics is power politics: ‘Classical’ Realism (also called
‘Political Realism’) claims to offer an account of IR that is ‘realistic’. There
is no idealism and no wishful thinking. Global politics is, first and last,
about power and self-interest. This is why ‘Classical’ Realism is also called
‘power politics’ model of international politics. Morgenthau wrote: “Politics
is a struggle for power over men, and whatever its ultimate aim may be,
power is its immediate goal and the modes of acquiring, maintaining and
demonstrating it determines the technique of political action.”
B) State egoism and conflict: Man is selfish and competitive; in other words,
egoism is the defining characteristics of human nature. Exactly, same is
true of the state. Further, state system operates in a context of international
anarchy. The core theme of Realist theory can therefore be summed up in
the equation: egoism + anarchy = power politics. A particular feature of
‘Classical’ Realism: it strongly explains power politics in terms of egoism
(unlike Neorealism which explains it terms of anarchy).
How did this idea of human selfishness and international anarchy shape the
Realist understanding of IR? Three arguments are important: First, Realists
accept that no form of world government can ever be established; it means
that international politics is conducted within, what in effect, is an
international ‘state of nature.’ The international arena is therefore dangerous
and uncertain, with order and stability always being the exception rather
than the rule. Second, taking a cue from Machiavelli’s and Hobbes’s
description of the nature of individual, Realists view states as rational,
calculating, guided by self-interest, and working as coherent ‘units’; and
regard themselves as the most important actors on the world stage. Realists’
theories of international relation are thus firmly state-centric. Third, and
crucially, the fact that states are composed of, and led by, people who are
inherently selfish, greedy and power-seeking means that state behaviour
cannot but is inevitably bound to exhibit the same characteristics. Human
egoism therefore determines state egoism; or, as Morgenthau (1962) put it,
‘the social world is but a projection of human nature onto the collective
plane.’ Just as human egoism leads to unending conflict amongst individuals
and groups, state egoism means that international politics is marked by
inevitable competition and rivalry. As essentially self-interested actors, the
ultimate concern of each state is its own survival, which thereby becomes
the first priority of its leaders. As all states pursue security through the use
of military or strategic means, and wherever possible seek to gain advantage
at the expense of other states, international politics is characterized by an
irresistible tendency towards conflict.
C) A rational statecraft serves national interest: Realism as a School puts a
lot of emphasis on statecraft. ‘Classical’ Realists particularly do that. E.H.
Carr was scathing in his criticism of the Versailles treaty and the idealism
that led to the establishment of the League of Nations. Carr said that global
leaders allowed “wishing” to prevail over “thinking” when writing the peace
treaties. Revenge and not reason dominated the thought processes of the
victorious powers. Further, leaders ignored the importance of power in international politics; and thus set the world on the inevitable course of Realism
another world war within 20 years. Morgenthau similarly emphasizes on
the ‘art of statecraft’. He argued that the practical conduct of politics should
be informed by the ‘Six Principles of Political Realism’, they are following:
(i) Politics is governed by objective laws which have their root in human
nature. (ii) The key to understanding international politics is the concept of
interest defined in terms of power. (iii) The forms and nature of state power
will vary in time, place and context but the concept of interest remains
consistent. (iv) Universal moral principles do not guide state behaviour,
although this does not rule out an awareness of the moral significance of
political action. (v) Moral aspirations are specific to a particular nation;
there is no universally agreed set of moral principles. (vi) The political
sphere is autonomous, meaning that the key question in international politics
is ‘How does this policy affect the power of the nation?’
D) Serving national interest is political morality: The key guide to statecraft
in the Realist tradition is the concern about the national interest. This concern
highlights the Realist stance on political morality. Critics consider Realism
as amoral; some say it is bereft of morality altogether. Realism insists that
ethical considerations should be strictly excluded from foreign policy
decision-making. State policy should be guided by a hard-headed pursuit of
the national interest; meaning thereby that ultimately, the state should be
guided by the wellbeing of its citizens. Protecting the life, liberty and well
being of its citizens, Realists claim is moral. What Realists reject, therefore,
is not nationally-based conceptions of political morality, but universal moral
principles that supposedly apply to all states in all circumstances. Indeed,
from a Realist perspective, one of the problems with the latter is that they
commonly get in the way of the pursuit of national interest. Examples are
defending human rights, promoting democracy etc.
E) Power politics does not mean endless conflict and war: Calculations about
the national interest, no denying, offer the surest basis for deciding when,
where and why wars should be fought. Although Realism is commonly
associated with the idea of endless war, ‘Classical’ Realists have often
opposed war and aggressive foreign policy. In their view, wars should only
ever be fought if vital national interests are at stake, the decision to wage
war being based on something like a cost–benefit analysis of its outcomes
in terms of national strategic interests. Such thinking, for example, led
Morgenthau and most US Realists to oppose the Vietnam War in the 1970s.
Realists have also been amongst the most vocal critics of the ‘war on terror’.
As many as 34 leading US Realist scholars had co-signed an open message
in the New York Times opposing war on Iraq in 2002.
In the end, the organizing principle of Realism is the anarchic international
system, wherein the actions of sovereign states are only limited by power.
Realism presents a simplified model of international behaviour that addresses
the persistence of war but fails to capture many other aspects of IR. Finally,
and to repeat once again, all Realists agree on the importance of three
fundamental ideas: statism, survival and self-help.
58
Approaches Check Your Progress Exercise 2
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.
ii) See the end of the Unit for tips for your answer.
1) What are the tenets of ‘Classical’ Realism.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
4.4 NEOREALISM
New ideas emerged in the 1970s; some of them were critical of ‘Classical’ Realist
assumptions. Together these ideas came to be described as ‘Neorealism’ or
‘Structural Realism’ as Kenneth Waltz calls it. Waltz wrote his Theory of
International Politics in 1979 and used the expression ‘Structural Realism.
Waltz said that theories of international politics could be developed at ‘three
levels of analysis – individual, the state and the international system.’ The major
defect of ‘Classical’ Realism is that it is not able to explain behaviour at a level
above the state. ‘Classical’ Realism explains international politics in terms of
the nature and action of state only. In other words, egoism and national interest
are at the core of ‘Classical’ Realism’. Waltz takes an important step forward:
he explains the behaviour of the state in terms of the structure of the international
system. In other words, while ‘Classical’ Realism explains international politics
in terms of ‘the inside’; Neorealism does it in terms of ‘the outside’. In shifting
attention from the state to the international system, Neorealism places an emphasis
on the implications of anarchy. The characteristics of international life stem from
the fact that states (and other international actors) operate within a domain which
has no formal central authority. But how does this shape the behaviour of states?
And why, according to Neorealists, does international anarchy tend towards
conflict rather than cooperation? Let us explain.
Waltz draws from Systems theories. He argues that Systems are composed of a
structure and their interacting units. Political structures have three elements: an
ordering principle (anarchic), the character of the units (functionally alike or
differentiated) and the distribution of capabilities. Waltz argues that two elements
of the structure of the international system are constant: the lack of an overarching
authority means that its ordering principle is anarchy, and the principle of selfhelp means that all of the units remain functionally alike. Accordingly, the one
structural variable is the distribution of capabilities, with the main distinction
falling between bipolar and multipolar systems. In other words, in the anarchic
world system where all states are security conscious, power differential between
states becomes crucial. Some states have more capabilities than others; and that
shapes the world politics.
Anarchy is the organizing principle of the International System: The basic
difference between ‘Classical’ Realism and Neorealism is their contrasting views
on the source and content of states’ preferences. In contrast to ‘Classical’ Realism,

Neorealism excludes the internal makeup of different states. Morgenthau’s Realism
‘Classical’ Realism relied on the assumption that leaders of states are motivated
by their lust for power. Waltz’s theory, by contrast, omits leader’s motivations
and state characteristics as causal variables for international outcomes, except
for the minimal assumption that states seek to survive. In other words, Waltz
ignores two assumptions important in ‘Classical’ Realism namely egoism and
power aggrandizement by the state. Instead he considers the third assumption
namely, the anarchy in the international system. He wants to identify the persistent
effects of the international system. Two points bear significance: states (units)
in the anarchic international system are interconnected. Change in some units or
change in their mutual relations produces notable changes in other parts of the
international system. Secondly, international system is not the sum total of its
parts. Rather, international system exhibits properties and behaviours that are
different from those of the parts. Because systems are generative, the international
political system is characterized by complex nonlinear relationships and
unintended consequences. Outcomes are influenced by something more than
simply the aggregation of individual states’ behaviours, with a tendency toward
unintended and ironic outcomes. As a result, there is a gap between what states
want and what states get. Consequently, unlike ‘Classical’ Realists, Neorealists
see international politics as tragic, rather than as being driven by the aggressive
behaviour of revisionist states. To put it in simple words, for Neorealists,
international system, from outside and above, impacts and shapes the behaviour
of the states. In other words, the institutions and norms that inform the
international system endow it with autonomy and, as if, with a purpose of its
own.
What are the implications of international anarchy? Neorealists argue that
international anarchy necessarily tends towards tension, conflict and the
unavoidable possibility of war for three main reasons. (i) In the first place, as
states are separate, autonomous and formally equal political units, they must
ultimately rely on their own resources to realise their interests. International
anarchy therefore results in a system of ‘self-help’, because states cannot count
on anyone else to ‘take care of them.’ (ii) Second, relationships between and
amongst states are always characterized by uncertainty and suspicion. This is
best explained through the ‘security dilemma’. Although self-help forces states
to ensure security and survival by building up sufficient military capability to
deter other states from attacking them, such actions are always liable to be
interpreted as hostile or aggressive by other states. Uncertainty about motives
therefore forces states to treat all other states as enemies, meaning that permanent
insecurity is the inescapable consequence of living in conditions of anarchy. (iii)
Third, conflict is also encouraged by the fact that states are primarily concerned
about maintaining or improving their position relative to other states; that is,
with making relative gains. Apart from anything else, this discourages cooperation
and reduces the effectiveness of international organizations, because, although
all states may benefit from a particular action or policy, each state is actually
more worried about whether other states benefit more that it does. Although
such Neorealist thinking had a profound impact both within and beyond the Realist
tradition, since the 1990s Realist theories have often attempted to fuse other
theories and assumptions, giving rise to what has been called ‘Neoclassical
Realism’ or ‘Post-Neorealism’ – a new subcategory in Realism.
60
Approaches ‘Security Dilemma’: Neorealism or Structural Realism reaches many of the same
conclusions as ‘Classical’ Realism. However, it does so by looking at systemic
rather than individual and state-level causes. This means that it focuses less on
human nature and more on the anarchic structure of the international system in
which states operate. Kenneth Waltz emphasizes upon the distinction between
his approach and that of Morgenthau. Whereas ‘Classical’ Realism places
responsibility for war at the feet of selfish and narrow-minded individual human
beings, Waltz points to the anarchical structure of the international system as the
main reason for the persistence of war. He asserts that states are victims of the
‘security dilemma’, in which effort of a state to ensure its survival threatens the
security of other states around it. Following Realism’s concept of self-help, Waltz
argues that the only rational course of action for a state in an anarchic international
system is to maintain enough military and political power to defend itself against
aggression. In doing so, it might invest in new weapons or seek alliances with
other states that may or may not come to its aid in a crisis. Unfortunately, these
steps toward self-defence appear threatening to neighbouring states, forcing them
to respond with their own military build-up and alliance making. In a world
defined by mutual suspicion, one state’s attempts to safeguard its survival make
other states less secure, forcing them to respond with their own self-help strategies.
The result is an arms race in which every state builds up its military capability in
response to others’ actions. This is the crux of the ‘security dilemma’. Neorealists
use it to explain the persistence of conflict and war on the international stage. In
the absence of a world government, states are condemned to exist in an
environment of mutual distrust and one state’s declaration that it is seeking armed
strength for purely defensive reasons is certain to be met with suspicion by its
neighbours. Balance of Power, alliance system, arms race are few of the strategic
tools of the states in this game of survival.
Balance of Power, Polarity and Stability: The fact that states are inclined to
treat other states as enemies does not inevitably lead to bloodshed and open
violence. Rather, Neorealists, in common with ‘Classical’ Realists, believe that
conflict can be contained by the balance of power – a key concept for all types of
Realists. However, while ‘Classical’ Realists treat the balance of power (BOP)
as a product of prudent statecraft, Neorealists see it as a consequence of the
structural dynamics of the international system, and specifically, of the distribution
of power between and among states. To recall, distribution of power and power
capability is a variable and not a constant in Waltz’s thinking. The principal
factor affecting the likelihood of a balance of power, and therefore the prospect
of war or peace, is the number of great powers operating within the international
system. Although Neorealists believe that there is a general bias in the international
system in favour of balance rather than imbalance, world order is determined by
the changing fate of great powers. This is reflected in an emphasis on polarity.
Power polarity indicates the level of stability or lack of it, (and, polarity could be
uni- , bi-, multi- , and in its various permutations and combinations).
Waltz and Neorealists have generally associated bipolar systems with stability
and a reduced likelihood of war, while multipolar systems have been associated
with instability and a greater likelihood of war. This had inclined Waltz and
other Neorealists to view Cold War bipolarity in broadly positive terms, as a
‘long peace’; and to warn about the implications of rising multipolarity of the
post-Cold War era. Obviously, therefore, Neorealists are not happy about the
rising tide of multipolarism.
61
Neorealists disagree among themselves about the relationship between structural Realism
instability and the likelihood of war. The ‘Offensive Realists’ believe that
instability of a multipolar world could lead to conflict and war; whereas the
‘Defensive Realists’ maintain that since states tend to prioritize security over
power, they remain generally reluctant to go to war, regardless of the dynamics
of the international system.
For the Neorealists, bipolar systems tend towards stability and strengthen the
likelihood of peace. This happens for two main reasons: The existence of only
two great powers encourages each to maintain the bipolar system as, in the process,
they are maintaining themselves. Fewer great powers means the possibilities of
great power wars are reduced. The existence of only two great powers reduces
the chances of miscalculation and makes it easier to operate an effective system
of deterrence: Power relationships are more stable as each bloc is forced to rely
on inner (economic and military) resources; whereas, external (alliances with
other states or blocs) means of expanding power not being available. On the
other hand, multipolar systems tend to be inherently unstable. A larger number
of great powers increases the number of possible great power conflicts.
Multipolarity creates a bias in favour of fluidity and, perhaps, instability, as it
leads to shifting alliances as great powers have external means of extending
their influence. As power is more decentralized, existing great powers may be
more restless and ambitious while weak states may be able to form alliances in
order to challenge and displace existing great powers. The international political
outcomes that Waltz predicts include: multipolar systems will be less stable than
bipolar systems; interdependence will be lower in bipolarity than multipolarity;
and that regardless of unit (state) behaviour, hegemony by any single state is
unlikely or even impossible.
Waltz’s Theory of International Politics proved to be influential generating new
debates and giving new impetus to existing ones. For example, the debate over
whether states’ concerns over relative gains impeded cooperation?; and whether
bipolar or multipolar international systems were more war prone? In the 1980s,
Theory of International Politics came under scholarly criticism. As time went
by, subcategories in Nonrealism, in particular the ‘neoliberal institutionalism’
and writings on the ‘democratic peace’ became more popular. Realism’s decline
in the 1990s was amplified by international events. The closing years of the
twentieth century seemed to provide strong support for alternative approaches.
The disintegration of Soviet Union; formation of the European Union (EU) and
economic integration in South East Asian and other regions; the wave of
democratization and economic liberalization throughout the former Soviet Union,
Eastern Europe, Latin America and the other parts of the developing world; and
the improbability of war between the great powers all made Realism, both
‘Classical’ and ‘Neo’ and their various strands, seem outdated (Jervis 2002). It
appeared that Liberal or Constructivist theories could better appreciate and explain
the changes taking place in the international arena. But Realism staged a sort of
comeback after the terrorist events of September 11, 2001 in the United States.
Security of the state once again became the top concern in International Relations.
Not surprisingly, the post-9/11, Realism is regarded as being better suited to
address threats to national security. It is, however, ironic that its renaissance is at
least partly owed to transnational terrorist networks motivated by religious
extremism – non-state actors which Realism had never taken into account.

Check Your Progress Exercise 3
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.
ii) See the end of the Unit for tips for your answer.
1) Describe the main arguments and assumptions of Neorealism.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
4.5 CRITICISM OF REALISM
Realist approach puts an overemphasis on the power-centric configuration of
international relations. Realism stretches the power seeking tendency of the states
to the extent that it makes occurrence of conflict and war inevitable. As power–
seekers, states are aggressive in their external conduct. This approach denies
that states capable of cooperation and mutual help. Whereas, the new perspectives,
some of are which have been discussed in this course, see states both as aggressive
and cooperative. Further, these new approaches make a powerful critique of IR
and offer alternative views about IR as well as how to change the IR.
Similarly, Realism’s assumption of IR as anarchic negates the possibility that
there could be a transnational institutional arrangement for cooperation and even
enforcement of international decisions. It could call the other world-visions as
“utopias” but the very existence of the United Nations since 1945 and its deterrent
role in preventing another world war did not qualify the political condition of
anarchy exactly as Realism had imagined it. The United Nations is not
synonymous to a world government but definitely it represents the global
aspiration for peace and cooperation. It provides for collective security and
entrusts the Security Council to authorize ‘use of force’ under Chapter VII which
then is left for member-states to implement.
Realism is criticised for treating state as the sole actor in international politics.
Even in the context of a post-Cold War political environment where the actors
have become pluralised with blurred boundaries of participation, Realism’s state
as the sole wielder of power was heavily challenged. To defend itself from the
damages from these criticisms, Realism tried to reformulate its theoretical
proposition in the light of changing political circumstances. Some Realist
reformulations, for example, took place in the light of idealist/liberal explanations
of world politics as the latter’s explanations of IR were based on an integrated
approach of development and democratic peace. Such attempts to reformulate
Realism, however, have raised further criticisms. Jeffrey Legro and Andrew
Moravcsik, for example, observed that the Realist paradigm was degenerating
as its conceptual foundations were being stretched beyond recognition or utility.
As Realism had stretched its conceptual boundaries to other theoretical
approaches, Legro and Moravcsik thus ask, “Is everybody now a realist?”
In explaining the decline of Realism, Thomas Walker and Jeffrey Morton had
the following to say: “With the end of the Cold War, the expansion of democracy,
63
and the increasing importance of global trade and international organizations, Realism
the world is no longer neatly suited to realist concerns. …In effect, research in
international relations is no longer bound by one paradigmatic vision of global
politics. Evidence…shows a field with a plurality of theoretical concerns.”
4.6 LET US SUM UP
Among the conflict or cooperative speculations of IR, Realism adheres to conflict
and war. The conflicts speculation of Realism is captured through its “core
assumptions” in the section that follows. The section identified that i) states are
the actors in the international system, each seeking its own security and
aggrandizement of power, if need be, at the expense of others, ‘Classical’ Realists
emphasize on the goals of the state. ii) International system is anarchic.
Neorealists take anarchy as the organizing principle of the international system.
iii) Control over material resources are fundamental to the theoretical assumptions
of Realism. Emotions and idealism have no place in world politics. Morgenthau’s
“six principles” of Political Realism emphasize upon the centrality of power in
the International Relations. Waltz explains the causes of war or conflicts into
three images that are man, state and states system, and argues that anarchic set
up of world politics informs the behaviour of states because anarchy (i.e., absence
of world government) generates security threats as well as necessity for power
maximization. Criticism does not mean that Realism as an approach to IR has
ceased to exist. Despite far reaching changes in the world, state remains the
dominant and deciding actor in politics and continues to supply the much needed
fuel to re-energise various Realist theoretical assumptions time and again. Such
re-energising ventures, however, take place in the context where other theoretical
paradigms are kept in purview in order to avoid being considered as archaic in
the changing circumstances. The relevance of Realism continues to surface in
the contemporary discourse on the nature of IR. The events of 9/11 in the United
States and the preemptive/anticipatory measures that US took thereafter have
been seen as developments favouring the Realist enterprise of theory building.
The frequent reference to “homeland security” as reason for foreign policy actions,
including America’s ‘global war on terrorism’ (GWOT) and interventions in
Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Syria, etc. shows the ascendance of Realist thinking in
the policy-making circles in the US.
4.7 REFERENCES
Legro, Jeffrey W. and Andrew Moravcsik. (1999). Is Anybody Still a
Realist?,International Relations, 24 (2), Fall, 1999. pp. 5-55.
Morgenthau, Hans. (2007). Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power
and Peace, Sixth Edition, Revised by K. W. Thompson, Kalyani, New Delhi.
Walker, Thomas C. and Jeffrey S. Morton. (2005). “Re-Assessing the “Power of
Power Politics” Thesis: Is Realism Still Dominant?,” International Studies Review,
7(2), June. pp. 341-356.
Waltz, Kenneth. (1979). Theory of International Politics, Addison-Wesley
Publishing Company.
Wendt, Alexander. (1992). Anarchy is What States Make of It: The Social
Construction of Power Politics. International Organization, 46(2), Spring. pp.
391-425.
64
Approaches 4.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
1) Your answer should highlight the following ponts
State seeks to secure and accumulate power
IR is anarchic in nature
Control over material resources is fundamental to world politics
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
1) Your answer should highlight the following ponts
Power politics
State egoism and conflict
National interest and power politics does not support endless conflict
and war
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
1) Your answer should highlight the following ponts
States are unitary, functionally similar actors
International system is characterised by anarchy
The distribution of power capabilities is the main, system-level variable
to explain state behaviour
65
Realism UNIT 5 SYSTEMS APPROACH*
Structure
5.0 Objectives
5.1 Introduction
5.2 The Concept of System
5.3 Systems Approach to International Relations
5.3.1 Systems Approach of Morton Kaplan
5.3.2 Systems Approach of Kenneth Waltz
5.3.3 Systems Approach of Keohane and Nye
5.3.4 Systems Approach of Alexander Wendt
5.3.5 Systems Approach of Immanuel Wallerstein
5.4 Let Us Sum Up
5.5 References
5.6 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercise
5.0 OBJECTIVES
The aim of this Unit is to study the Systems approach to International Relations.
After going through this unit, you would be able to:
Explain the origins of the Systems approach
Narrate the application of Systems approach to International Relations and
Examine the salient features of various Systemic theories in International
Relations
5.1 INTRODUCTION
The Systems approach became the hallmark of Political Science and International
Relations (IR) during the Cold War period. The complexities in the Cold War
period, such as the emergence of the technologies of mass destruction (i.e., atom
bombs, and other lethal weapons), inventions in the fields of cybernetics, computer
science, etc., emphasized the requirement of an integrated and comprehensive
approach to address the complex problems unearthed during the Cold War period.
This led to the development of the General System Theory (GST) and the
application of Systems approach to the various branches of natural and social
sciences. The Systems approach, in general, believes that each and every System
in the universe is interconnected and exert influence over one another. Therefore,
we need to examine the dynamics of Systems to understand a particular
phenomenon in the universe.
5.2 THE CONCEPT OF SYSTEM
The systems approach is a framework to understand a phenomenon in terms of
the wholeness of a system, its self-organization, relationships, and interactions
among its various elements. This approach emerged as a critic of reductionist
*
Dr. Roshan Varghese V., Research Scholar, Political Science, IGNOU, New Delhi
66
Approaches tradition in science, which treats the natural as well as the social world as a
fragmented whole, thereby looking at the elements to understand a phenomenon.
In short, the Systems approach looks at the dynamics within a system and its
influence over other systems. In International Relations (IR), a systems approach
is used to understand a phenomenon by examining the function of the international
system, instead of analysing the developments happening in its elements (i.e.,
nation states).
A system can be defined as ‘an interconnected set of elements that is coherently
organized in a way that achieves something’. The four distinguishing features of
a system are: elements, interconnections, function or purpose, and a regulating
force. Take the example of our digestive system. It has elements such as teeth,
enzymes, stomach, and intestines. Elements in our digestive system are
interconnected through the physical flow of food. The function or purpose of our
digestive system is to digest food and extract basic nutrients from it and to transfer
those nutrients into another system of our body, i.e., the bloodstream. Our digestive
system is being regulated by the chemical signals. Thus, everything composed
of interconnected elements has a function or purpose, driven by a regulating
force, can be treated as a system. Human beings are the part of a number of
systems in society and each system is interconnected and exerts its influence
over the other systems in society.
The Systems approach is the intellectual child of the General Systems Theory
(GST), which was introduced by the Austrian-born Canadian biologist Ludwig
von Bertalanffy (1901-1972). Bertalanffy’s magnum opus, General Systems
Theory: Foundation, Development, Application (1968), is the canonical text of
the Systems theory. According to him, the System is ‘a complex of components
in mutual interaction’ and he set forth the GST as a discipline focusing on the
formulation of principles valid for Systems in general. During the time Bertalanffy
was working on GST, the world was undergoing unprecedented incidents such
as the Cold War rivalry between two antagonistic blocs, and the threat of the
weapons of mass destruction. Many people worried that the world was on the
verge of destruction. At the same time, advancements in the fields of science and
technology especially in cybernetics indicated the possibility of applying
knowledge for controlling human behaviour and society. In 1949, James Grier
Miller, Head of the Department of Psychology at the University of Chicago,
coined the term ‘behavioral science’ as a field of the integrated study of the
biological, psychological, and social dimensions of human behaviour. Then the
focus of some sections in academia shifted to conduct interdisciplinary research
on human behaviour and social conflicts. In order to achieve this goal, with the
support and funding of the Ford Foundation, the Center for Advanced Study in
the Behavioral Sciences (CASBS) was established, in Stanford, California in
1954. Several scholars who were interested in peace and building a comprehensive
theory about human behaviour and social conflicts were invited to associate with
the Center. Among scholars who played a major role in advancing General
Systems Theory along with Ludwig von Bertalanffy were, the economist and
peace activist Kenneth Boulding, psychologist James Grier Miller, the
physiologist Ralph Gerard, and the mathematician-biologist Anatol Rapoport.
In 1956, they established the Society for General Systems Research (SGSR) and
it began to organize annual conferences and to publish a General Systems
Yearbook since then. Building on the General Systems framework, James Grier
Miller launched the journal, Behavioral Science, in 1956, and Boulding initiated
67
the Journal of Conflict Resolution in 1957. Thus, GST and behavioural science Systems Approach
went hand in hand as an integrated and interdisciplinary approach to study and
control social relations.
The GST was developed as a discipline to formulate general principles of Systems
so that all branches of natural and social sciences can develop their own systems
theories. Kenneth Boulding made a bold statement when he said that GST is the
skeleton of science which is aimed at providing a structure of systems on which
each particular discipline can fit its own flesh and blood. Thus, GST seems to be
appealing to the leading scholars of that time and they adapted it to their concerned
disciplines. For instance, Talcott Parsons applied GST to sociology, Bela H.
Banathy to linguistics, and Howard T. Odum to ecology – the list continues. The
scholars of political science and IR also adapted General Systems Theory to
their disciplines and the following part of this Unit examines it in detail.
5.3 SYSTEMS APPROACH TO INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS
The Systems approach to IR marks a contrast to the traditional approach, which
focuses only on the domestic factors such as the ideology of a nation-state, the
character of the head of the state, and other internal matters that influence the
behaviour of nation-states. Thus, the core of the systems approach to the study
of IR, lies in the belief that the international system is an integrated whole, which
is made of its structure and nation-states.The study of IR should be focused on
the functions of the international system and its regulating force rather than
examining the domestic factors of nation-states.
5.3.1 Systems Approach of Morton Kaplan
The first major work that presented the systems approach to the discipline of
International Relations was Morton A. Kaplan’s System and Process in
International Politics (1957). Unlike Easton and Almond, whose works mainly
centred on political systems within nation-states and their interactions with other
political systems across the world, Kaplan’s study was focused on the international
system. During those days, the world was in the shadow of the Cold War, which
divided nation-states into two rival camps: between the US-led capitalist bloc
and the Soviet socialist bloc. As a result, Morton Kaplan envisaged the structure
of the international system in the form of a polarized world.
Kaplan holds that there is a certain degree of regularity in the behaviour of nationstates’ within the international system. This regularity reveals a level of internal
coherence, which helps a scholar of International Relations to construct the models
of the international system. According to Kaplan, it is possible to predict the
evolution of various models of the international system with the help of examining
previous models of the international system.
Kaplan sets forth six distinct international systems out of which, the balance of
power system, and the loose bipolar system had existed in history, and the rest of
the systems are hypothetical, which could emerge from the end of the bipolar
system. The six systems are explained below.
68
Approaches A) The Balance of Power System: A period between the eighteenth century
and 1914 (the beginning year of the First World War) had been considered
as the golden era of the balance of power system. This system featured a
multipolar dynamic of five dominant European powers of similar strength.
These powers sought to enhance their capacities through diplomatic channels
rather than military means. There were occasions of war among these powers,
but it came to an end when there was a threat of the destruction of one of
these powers. Hence, it was clear that they never intended to alter the system;
instead, the primary goal was to preserve the system. When one power
attempted to dominate the others, then other powers formed an alliance
against it. When one major actor had suffered a defeat, the other powers did
not exclude that state. Instead, the defeated state was reintegrated into the
system by other states.
B) The Loose Bipolar System: Unlike the balance of power system, the loose
bipolar system featured diverse actors during the period of Cold War. The
basic structure of the system was two large rival blocs led by two
superpowers: the United States of America and the Soviet Union. These
two blocs were radically different in terms of ideologies: democratic
capitalism and communism. In addition to the two blocs, there were also
other actors such as Non-Aligned states and international organizations such
as the United Nations. Both the superpowers avoided a direct war due to
the threat of nuclear destruction via counter-attack (according to the second
strike doctrine).
C) The Tight Bipolar System: The tight bipolar system has so many
characteristics in common with the loose bipolar system. For instance, the
structure of the tight bipolar system is the two rival blocs and the actors of
both blocs are hierarchically organized. The tight bipolar system will be
transformed into a loose bipolar system if both actors are non-hierarchically
organized. Another important feature is the role of the other actors than the
bloc actors. International organizations such as the United Nations will be
marginalized and Non-Aligned states will either lose their significance or
will disappear in the tight bipolar system.
D) The Universal System: The universal system is possible when the bipolar
system disappears and international organizations such as the United Nations
become so powerful in maintaining world peace. This system resembles
Immanuel Kant’s idea of the confederation of republican states which follow
rule of law. What makes the universal system unique is its nature and
functions. The universal system will be an integrated and solidarity system.
It will have the mechanisms to perform judicial, economic, political and
administrative functions. These functions may be performed by either the
United Nations or any such international organization. This system is
featured by a high level of cross-border cooperation and humanitarian
interventions.
E) The Hierarchical System: This system comes into existence with the demise
of the bipolar system through the breakup of one of the two blocs. Then the
international order is reorganized into a political hierarchy and the ideology
of the remaining bloc is enforced upon the members of the collapsed bloc.
Depending on the ideology of the remaining bloc and the role of the
international organizations in the changed scenario, the hierarchic system
will be either democratic or authoritarian.
69
F) The Unit Veto System: The unit veto system is one in which all states Systems Approach
possess the capability to destroy one another, but all of them are aware of
the consequences of the attack: that aggression will trigger a retaliatory
attack. The consciousness about the retaliatory action discourages each and
every nation-state from attacking other countries. Kaplan held that the
advancements in the fields of communication and technology minimize the
danger of an accidental war under the unit veto system.
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer,
ii) See the end of the Unit for tips for your answer.
1) Name the six international systems set forth by Morton Kaplan.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
5.3.2 Systems Approach of Kenneth Waltz
Kenneth Waltz, the founding father of Neorealism or ‘Structural Realism’, has
immensely contributed to the advancement of the Systems approach to IR. In his
1954 book, Man, the State, and War: A Theoretical Analysis, Waltz introduced
three levels of analysis in international relations. They are, respectively, the selfish
nature of man; the behaviour of states and institutions; and the pressure of the
international system. Waltz further stated that the issues of high politics, such as
war are determined by the international system. According to Waltz, the war is
instigated by the international system, and it could not be eliminated by changing
the behaviour of states’ leaders and nation-states. Therefore, in this book Waltz
made an argument that an analysis of the international system was needed to
understand international politics.It was in his 1979 book, Theory of International
Politics, that Waltz set forth the major canons of Neorealism and the salient
features of his Systems approach as explained below.
A) The Composition of the International System: According to Waltz, the
international system is composed of its structure and its interacting units,
i.e., nation-states. He holds that structure of the international system is made
of three elements: (i) ordering principle, (ii) the function of the units, and
(iii) the distribution of material capabilities. The first element of the structure
is its ordering principle, and according to Waltz, it is anarchic. This is due
to the absence of a world government for maintaining international peace.
In the absence of a world government, there is no mechanism to ensure the
survival of nation-states other than a self-help system. The third attribute of
the structure is the distribution of material capabilities among units in the
international system. Material capabilities are primarily military weapons
and manpower. In addition to that economic resources that support the
enhancement of military infrastructure are also treated as a material
capability.
70
Approaches B) Distribution of Material Capabilities as the Regulating Force: Like the
‘invisible hand’ in the market, the structure of the international system
regulates the behaviour of nation-states through the distribution of material
capabilities. How does it work? We have already seen that the ordering
principle of the structure is anarchy, and self-help is the only means to ensure
the security of the nation-states. These two factors lock nation-states in a
security dilemma and instigate them to augment capabilities for balancing
the power of their rivals. The third attribute of the structure is the distribution
of material capabilities. Here material capabilities function as a regulating
force or catalyst for developments in international politics.For instance,
suppose when one of the nation-states augments its capabilities, then its
potential rivals are compelled to scale-up their military strength, make
alliances or bandwagon with a more powerful state so that they can ensure
their own security. Sometimes the disproportionate distribution of
capabilities may make some states more powerful than their rivals and it
may instigate war. However, due to nation-states being rational actors their
behaviour is based on the logic of the consequences. In sum, material
capabilities act as catalysts for war, diplomatic initiatives, military alliances,
and bandwagoning.
C) Autonomy of the International System: One of the major contributions
of Waltz’s Neorealism is the severing of the link between the ‘low politics’
(i.e., politics within nation-states and the ‘high politics’ (politics of the
international system). All issues of national or local importance come under
the purview of ‘low politics’. For instance, unemployment, inflation,
environmental issues, human rights, etc., are part of low politics. ‘High
politics’ refers to the issues related to international politics such as war,
defence, national security, and foreign policy. According to Waltz, low
politics cannot affect international politics. Moreover, nation-states are likeunits, therefore, the nature of political systems (i.e., authoritarian, democratic
or ideological orientations), size of nation-states and their capabilities cannot
make any difference in their function in the international system. The function
of all nation-states is to ensure their national security in a condition of
international anarchy. Therefore, irrespective of the internal dimensions of
politics all nation-states behave in the same manner with regard to their
foreign relations. By making a clear distinction between national politics
and international politics, Waltz argues that the structure of the international
system regulates the behaviour of nation-states through the distribution of
material capabilities. In sum, Waltz suggests that the structure of the
international system regulates the behaviour of nation-states and it is not
possible that nation-states regulate the function of the international system.
Hence, Waltz argues that in order to understand the developments in
international politics one has to examine the external dimensions of politics
(the dynamics in the international system). As far as Waltz is concerned,
focusing on domestic factors for understanding international politics is a
reductionist approach. Instead, Waltz sets forth Neorealism as a framework
to understand international politics by examining the dynamics in the
international system, and thereby, seeks to establish the autonomy of the
international system.

Check Your Progress Exercise 2 Systems Approach
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer,
ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1) What are the salient features of the systems approach of Kenneth Waltz?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
5.3.3 Systems Approach of Keohane and Nye
Works of Robert O. Keohane and Joseph S. Nye set forth Neoliberal understanding
of the international system. Their joint book, Power and Interdependence: World
Politics in Transition (1977, 2001), is one of the earliest works to systematically
examine the processes that later came to be known as globalization. The opening
statement of the book is that “We live in an era of interdependence”, owing to
the increasing pace of cross-border transportation, communication, and trade. In
this book, Keohane and Nye define interdependence as ‘situations characterized
by reciprocal effects among countries or among actors in different countries.This
book further elaborates the neoliberal idea of ‘complex’ interdependence and its
implications for international politics, especially its functions in an anarchical
international system. Another classic text of Neoliberalism in IR is Keohane’s,
After Hegemony: Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy
(1984). As its title indicates this book proposes that cooperation among nationstates is possible even without a dominant power in the lead role.
Keohane and Nye developed Neoliberalism as a systemic theory, which explains
how international institutions facilitate mutual interdependence among nationstates and regulate the behaviour of nation-states. In order to understand the
Systems approach of Neoliberalism, we have to understand the concepts such as
international institutions, organizations, and regimes according to Neoliberalism.
International institutions are defined as ‘sets of rules, principles, and expectations
that govern interstate relations’. For instance, ‘liberal trading order’ is an
international institution because it has certain rules and principles to serve that
purpose and expectations that states open their markets for ensuring the smooth
functioning of international trade. Here, the function of the international institution
is to help states negotiate and enter into mutually beneficial agreements.
International organizations are the formal embodiment of international
institutions. In other words, the international institution is a broader realm, and it
subsumes an international organization under its concern. For instance, the World
Trade Organization is an international organization, which is constituted to serve
the purpose of an international institution, i.e., the ‘liberal trading order’. An
International organization is featured with a headquarters and other offices,
governing council and employees, budgets, and agency to take actions against
its member states. The United Nations (UN), the International Monetary Fund
(IMF), the World Health Organization (WHO) are the best examples of
international organizations. Another key term, often discussed by Neoliberals is
72
Approaches international regime. The term international regime has been used to refer to
rules and norms within a particular issue-area. For instance, the Climate Change
Regime governs rules and norms to mitigate global climate change. In the same
manner, the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Regime is aimed to prevent the spread of
nuclear weapons and weapons technology, and TRIPS Regime deals with the
Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights. The presence of
international institutions has significantly increased since the end of the Cold
War. The number of formal international organizations had risen from three
hundred in the 1970s to six thousand at the dawn of the 21st century. The function
of international institutions, international organizations, and international regimes
is to strengthen interdependence. The salient features of Keohane and Nye’s
Systems Approach are as discussed below.
A) The Composition of the International System: As far as Waltz is
concerned, the international system is composed of its structure and nationstates as its interacting units. However, according to Keohane and Nye,
states are not the only central actors in the international system; rather they
expand the scope of the international system by incorporating international
institutions and non-state actors into its components. Today it is very clear
that international institutions, non-state actors such as transnational
corporations and global civil society groups are exerting influence on nationstates. Hence, Neoliberals analyse the role being played by international
institutions, organizations, regimes, transnational corporations, and civil
society groups in international relations.
B) Nature of the International System: Keohane and Nye share with
Neorealists the belief that the nature of the international system is anarchical.
However, they make an addition that interdependence also is a structural
feature of the international system. In other words, both Keohane and Nye
argue that the international system is anarchical and interdependent at the
same time. The international system is anarchical in the sense that there is
no world government above sovereign nation-states and the increasing pace
of cross-border transportation, communication, trade and the growing
number of international organizations all show that “we live in an era of
interdependence”. While agreeing with Neorealists that anarchy is a problem
as it triggers conflict among nation-states, Keohane and Nye find hope in
interdependence that it makes possible the cooperation among nation-states,
which eventually alter the nature of the international system.
C) Regulating Force in the International System: Keohane and Nye suggest
that institutions are functioning as the regulating force in the international
system. Institutions create norms that are binding on nation-states and that
influence the behaviour of nation-states and change the patterns of
international politics. For instance, many nation-states including India had
to amend their patent laws to conform to the WTO’s guidelines on intellectual
property. The role of institutions is increasing in this era of complex
interdependence with the presence of a number of actors, other than nationstates, including international organizations, transnational corporations, and
global civil society groups. The quintessential example of the growing role
of non-state actors in international relations is Greenpeace, which is an
international organization engaged in protecting the global environment
and promoting peace. They have succeeded in pressurizing governments
across the world by gaining public opinion on issues related to the
environment, nuclear testing, etc.
73
Check Your Progress Exercise 3 Systems Approach
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer,
ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1) Write a brief note on the Systems approach of Keohane and Nye?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
5.3.4 Systems Approach of Alexander Wendt
Structural Constructivism, set forth by Alexander Wendt, is noted for its Systems
approach. Constructivism as an IR theory that argues that international relations
are a social construction. It emphasizes the role of ideational factors such as
culture, social values, identity, assumptions, rules, and language in the construction
of international relations rather than the material factors such as military
capabilities and economic resources. Even though Constructivism emerged in
the wave of post positivism/postmodernism/poststructuralism in IR in the late
1980s, Alexander Wendt took a slight deviation and made his version of
Constructivism (i.e., Structural Constructivism) compatible with some basic
assumptions of Neorealism and Neoliberalism. Major works of Wendt are his
article, Anarchy is what States Make of it: The Social Construction of Power
Politics (1992), and his book, Social Theory of International Politics (1999).
Salient Features of Wendt’s Systems Approach are explained below.
A) The Composition of the International System: Like Neorealism and
Neoliberalism, Structural Constructivism of Alexander Wendt holds that
the international system is composed of its structure and nation-states.
However, Wendt differs with Neorealism and Neoliberalism on the elements
of the structure. He argues that the structure is made of social relationships.
Social relationships are comprised of shared knowledge, social practices,
and material resources. The shared or intersubjective knowledge and social
practices define who are the enemies, rivals, and friends for one nationstate to another in the international system. For instance, the shared
knowledge about each other and their practices accordingly inform the
United States and North Korea that both of them are ‘enemies’ to each
other. Most of the member states in the European Union consider one another
as ‘friends’. Material resources acquire meaning according to shared
knowledge and practices. For instance, the nuclear development programme
of North Korea will definitely irk the United States. The scaling up of military
infrastructure of a member state in the European Union does not cause any
tension among its counterparts, because it does not pose any threat to them.
B) Ideational Factors as the Regulating and Constitutive Force: As far as
Wendt is concerned, the ideational factors such as identity, norms, culture,
etc., are functioning as the regulative as well as the constitutive forces that
influence the behaviour of nation-states in the international system. For
74
Approaches instance, the identity of a nation-state as ‘democratic’ country informs it
that it should stand for the cause of human rights and democratic values
across the world. The ideational factors constitute the interests of nationstates. In other words, ideational factors constitute the interests of nationstates, and it also informs nation-states about the appropriate behaviour in
the international system.
C) The Consequence of Anarchy: Wendt agrees with Neorealism and
Neoliberalism that the nature of the international system is anarchic.
However, he has a unique explanation about its consequence. Neorealism
of Waltz holds a pessimistic view towards anarchy and suggests that the
self-help is the only mechanism to ensure security. This gives a one-sided
picture on the consequence of anarchy, a condition of ‘war of all against
all’. However, Keohane and Nye are optimistic that the ill-effects of the
anarchy can be mitigated through institutions. On the contrary, Wendt is
neither pessimistic nor optimistic about the consequence of the anarchy.
Rather, he is agnostic in this regard and states that ‘anarchy is what states
make of it’, which indicates that the meaning and consequence of anarchy
are dependent upon the nature of relationships among nation-states. Wendt
further suggests that anarchy can take three principal forms: Hobbesian,
Lockean, and Kantian. Enemies create Hobbesian anarchy which is similar
to the anarchy depicted by Neorealism. Nation-states, who are in Hobbesian
anarchy feel insecure and sometimes pose a threat to world peace. Lockean
anarchy is less competitive and is in some respects closer to the anarchy
sets forth by Neorealism. The relationships among friends create Kantian
anarchy, which is cordial and does not pose any threat to peace.
5.3.5 Systems Approach of Immanuel Wallerstein
Immanuel Wallerstein’s Systems approach, known as the World-Systems
approach, is the comprehensive version of the dependency theory. Wallerstein
sets forth his Systems approach through the following books: The Modern WorldSystem, Volume 1: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the European WorldEconomy in the Sixteenth Century (1974), The Capitalist World Economy (1979),
The Modern World-System, Volume 2: Mercantilism and the Consolidation of
the European World-Economy, 1600-1750 (1980), The Modern World-System,
Volume 3: The Second Era of Great Expansion of the Capitalist World-Economy,
1730-1840s (1989), The Modern World-System, Volume 4: Centrist Liberalism
Triumphant, 1789–1914 (2011).
According to Immanuel Wallerstein, the present or the modern world-system is
a capitalist one, which emerged in Europe during the period between 1450 and
1650 (this period is also known as the long sixteenth century). Through the process
of colonization, this system was extended to North and South America, Asia,
and Africa and thereby every region of the world was integrated into a capitalist
system. Therefore, the basic argument of Wallerstein is that the world is not a set
of independent and separate nation-states. Instead, nation-states are the part of a
larger system (i.e., the World-System), which is the set of relatively stable and
political relationships, being regulated by the global capital. Therefore he suggests
that focussing solely on developments within each nation-state will not bring a
clear picture of the developments in the world-system, rather we have to examine
the world system as a whole, its regulating force and the interactions of its components. Salient Features of Wallerstein’s Systems Approach are explained Systems Approach
below.
A) The Composition of the Modern World-System: According to Wallerstein
the key components of the modern World-System are economic zones,
nation-states, social classes, and status groups. Economic zones are the
classification of the geographical regions on the basis of the division of
labour (i.e., economic zones primarily engaged in the production of primary
commodities and zones focused on the manufacturing of the most advanced
commodities). Wallerstein holds that there are three economic zones on the
basis of the division of labour, and they are respectively: ‘core’, ‘peripheral’,
and ‘semi-peripheral’. The ‘core’ is the technologically advanced zone in
the world, or known as the ‘global north’. The ‘core’ specializes in the
production of the most advanced commodities and featured by capitalintensive production, the possession of cutting-edge technologies, and the
highly developed industries. Due to these factors, the ‘core’ gets high profits
from economic activities. The ‘core’ is represented by Western Europe, the
United States, and Japan. In sharp contrast, the ‘peripheral’ is the least
developed regions in the world, and they are also known as the ‘Global
South’. The ‘peripheral’ is engaged in the production of primary
commodities. The ‘peripheral’ economic zone is relatively less
technologically sophisticated and more labour intensive than that of the
‘core’. Due to these reasons, the ‘peripheral’ gets low profits from its
produces. The ‘peripheral’ is represented by most regions in Latin America,
Asia, and Africa. The ‘semi-peripheral’ is an area with a mixture of about
half “core-like” and half “peripheral-like” activities. The example of ‘semiperipheral’ economies is India, China, and South Africa.
The second component of the modern world-system is the nation-state. The
modern World-System is politically organized into a sovereign and
territorially bound nation-states.
The third component of the modern world-system is social classes. In a
capitalist world-system, social classes are formed on the basis of people’s
relationship to the means of production. Those who own the means of
production are the capitalists and those who are deprived of it are the workers.
The fourth component of the modern world-system is the status groups, the
social groupings based on solidarity derives from cultural identification.
Social divisions based on religion, language, race or ethnicity belongs to
this category.
B) Nature of the Modern World-System: According to Wallerstein, the
modern world-system is capitalist and under this system economic power
rests in the hands of those who own the means of production. Since the
owners of the means of production (individuals, private corporations, and
state organizations) are obsessed with the appropriation of maximum profits,
the capitalist modern world-system is inherently exploitative. The capitalists
exploit the workers and the core exploits the peripheral states, thereby leading
to extreme economic inequalities in the world economy.
C) Regulating Force in the Modern World-System: The regulating force in
the modern world-system is the global capital, which organizes the economic
activities across the world. Most of the Marxist thinkers, including world

systems theorists, consider the globalization as an economic transition in
which the requirements of global capital are fulfilling through the
implementation of neoliberal economic programmes across the world. In
this condition, nation-states in the peripheral are restrained by the core,
international organizations such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF)
and transnational corporations, in accordance with the interests of global
capital. For instance, the structural adjustment programmes proposed by
the IMF compel several nation-states in the global south to roll-back their
welfare programmes. By influencing the prerogative of a nation-state to
take the decisions regarding matters under its jurisdiction, the global capital
has shown that it is able to challenge the concept of state sovereignty.
Check Your Progress Exercise 4
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer,
ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1) Write a short note on the modern world-system.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
5.4 LET US SUM UP
In sum, the behavioural revolution in the 1950s and 1960s initiated the Systems
approach to Political Science and IR. Major System theorists to IR are Morton
Kaplan, Kenneth Waltz, Robert Keohane, Joseph Nye, Alexander Wendt, and
Immanuel Wallerstein. Most of the Systems theorists to IR view the international
system, as an integrated whole, made of its structure and nation-states as its
primary units. They also argue that the System has a mechanism to control the
behaviour of nation-states, therefore, the developments in International Relations
is a consequence of the function of the international system rather than that of
the result of the domestic factors. The significance of the Systems approach to
IR is that it sets forth a distinct framework to analyse International Relations.
5.5 REFERENCES
Chiaruzzi, Michele. (2012). ‘Realism’, in An Introduction to International
Relations, Second Edition, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Choi, Hyunsun. (2011). ‘Systemism’, in 21st Century Political Science: A
Reference Handbook, Volume 1, Los Angeles: Sage.
Fisher, John R. (2011). ‘Systems Theory and Structural Functionalism’, in 21st
Century Political Science: A Reference Handbook, Volume 1, Los Angeles: Sage.
Glaser, Charles L. (2018). ‘A Realist Perspective on the Constructivist Project’,
in Constructivism Reconsidered: Past, Present, and Future, Ann Arbor: University
of Michigan Press

Harrison, Lisa; Adrian Little; and Edward Lock. (2015). Politics: The Key Systems Approach
Concepts, Oxon: Routledge.
Ishiyama, John T. (2012). Comparative Politics: Principles of Democracy and
Democratization, Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell.
Jackson, Robert; and Georg Sorensen. (2016). Introduction to International
Relations: Theories and Approaches, Sixth Edition, Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Milner, Helen V. (2009). ‘Power, Interdependence, and Nonstate Actors in World
Politics: Research Frontiers’, in Power, Interdependence, and Nonstate Actors
in World Politics, Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Shannon, Thomas R. (2018). An Introduction to the World-System Perspective,
Second Edition, New York: Routledge.
Telo, Mario. (2016). International Relations: A European Perspective, Oxon:
Routledge.
Walker, Thomas C. (2013). ‘A Circumspect Revival of Liberalism: Robert O.
Keohane and Joseph S. Nye’s Power and Interdependence’, in Classics of
International Relations: Essays in Criticism and Appreciation, New York:
Routledge.
5.6 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
1) Your answer should highlight the following systems
Balance of Power
Loose bipolar
Tight bipolar
Universal
Hierarchical
Unit veto system.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
1) Your answer should highlight the following points
The composition of the International system
Distribution of material capabilities as the regulating force
Autonomy of the International System
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
1) Your answer should highlight the following points
International institutions facilitate mutual interdependence among
nation-states and regulate the behaviour of nation-states
International institutions help states negotiate and enter into mutually
beneficial agreements
78
Approaches Check Your Progress Exercise 4
1) Your answer should highlight the following points
Basic argument of Wallerstein that the world is not a set of independent
and separate nation-states
Nation-states are the part of a larger system (i.e., the World-System),
which is the set of relatively stable and political relationships, being
regulated by the global capital
We have to examine the world system as a whole, its regulating force
and the interactions of its components

UNIT 6 DEPENDENCY THEORY*
Structure
6.0 Objectives
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Different Versions of Dependency Theory
6.2.1 Moderate Version
6.2.2 Radical
6.2.3 World-Systems Theory
6.3 Major Concepts in Dependency Theory
6.3.1 Dependency as the Result of a Historical Process
6.3.2 Core, Periphery, Semi-Periphery and Enclave Economy
6.3.3 Dependency Theory as a Critic of Liberal Theories
6.3.4 Critique of Modernization Theory
6.3.5 Development of Underdevelopment
6.3.6 Neoliberal Globalization Entrenching the Dependency
6.4 Criticism
6.5 Let Us Sum Up
6.6 References
6.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
6.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit, you are going to go through the dependency (dependencia) theory;
the developments that led to its origins; and significance and its major versions.
The Unit also examines criticisms of dependency theory. After studying this
Unit, you will be able to:
Explain the origins and major versions of dependency theory
Examine the major concepts in dependency theory and
Narrate criticisms of dependency theory
6.1 INTRODUCTION
Dependency theory emerged in Latin America during the second half of the 1950s
as a critic of liberal theories of socio-economic and political development.
Dependency theory can be defined as an explanation of the economic
backwardness of a nation-state due to the external influence. Theotonio Dos
Santos (1936–2018), one of the major proponents of dependency theory defines
it as a historical condition which shapes the structure of the world economy in
favour of some countries thereby adversely affecting the development of others.
Dependency is a situation in which the economy of a country is conditioned by
the development and expansion of the economy of another country. Dependency
theory seeks to understand and explain the reasons for the persistent economic
backwardness and underdevelopment of the countries in the global south and
sets forth suggestions to resolve this problem.
*
Dr. Roshan Varghese V., Research Scholar, Political Science, IGNOU, New Delhi
80
Approaches 6.2 DIFFERENT VERSIONS OF DEPENDENCY
THEORY
Dependency is not a single unified theory rather it is a set of theories or
frameworks to study continued economic dependence and underdevelopment in
some countries/ regions and its social, cultural, economic and foreign policy
fall-outs. Dependency scholars are divided into a number of camps including
that of a moderate version represented by Raul Prebisch, radical or MarxistLeninist version propagated by Andre Gunder Frank, and a more comprehensive
World Systems theory set forth by Immanuel Wallerstein.
6.2.1 Moderate Version of Dependency Theory
Works of Raul Prebisch (1901-1986) played a major role in generating the
dependency theory. Raul Prebisch was an Argentine economist and during his
illustratious career he served as a professor of economics, Director-General of
the Argentine Central Bank, head of the United Nations Economic Commission
for Latin America (ECLA), and the United Nations Conference on Trade and
Development (UNCTAD). During his tenure as the Executive Secretary of ECLA,
Presbisch brought out a ground-breaking study titled, The Economic Development
of Latin America and Its Principal Problems (1950), which was an inquiry into
the economic backwardness of Latin American countries.
According to Prebisch, it is the ‘adverse’ terms of trade (ToT) with the developed
countries which has historically deteriorated the economic condition of Latin
American countries. ToT is the ratio between a country’s export prices and its
import prices. While Latin American countries are the producers of primary
commodities, they export it to the industrially advanced countries. These primary
commodities are processed and transformed into the finished products in the
industrially advanced countries. These finished products are exported to the
developing countries including that of the Latin American region. In other words,
countries export their primary commodities at cheaper prices and import finished
products at higher prices and this adversely affects their economy. On the basis
of his empirical study conducted with Hans Wolfgang Singer (1910-2006),
Prebisch set forth the Prebisch-Singer terms-of-trade thesis (PST). PST suggests
that the economies of the producers of primary commodities are declining dayby-day due to the increasing trade deficit with producers of finished products. In
other words, the economic gap between the producers of primary commodities
and the producers of finished products enhances in tandem with their increasing
economic ties. Thus, the Prebisch-Singer terms-of-trade thesis (PST) laid
foundations for the dependency theory.
Prebisch challenged the theory of comparative advantage and the liberal
economists’ view that the developing countries should specialize in the production
of primary commodities in order to benefit from free trade. Prebisch introduced
a structuralist approach to the study of the global economy, which was based on
the binary oppositions of development/underdevelopment and core/periphery.
In other words, his study was focused on the inherently asymmetric relationship
between the developed and developing countries. Unlike liberal theories,
Prebisch’s approach was examining the theme of development and
underdevelopment from the experience of the countries in the global south. Having
set forth the reasons for economic backwardness in Latin America, Prebisch

then set forth a number of recommendations such as state intervention, economic
integration of Latin America, land reforms in dismantling inequalities and import
substitution industrialization (ISI). Import substitution industrialization is a trade
policy, which seeks to reduce imports by promoting industries at the domestic
level. The major aims of ISI are a reduction in imports thereby resolving the
problem of trade deficit, promotion of local industries thereby achieving industrial
self-sufficiency and also scale up economic growth. However, there were certain
hurdles to a successful implementation of these recommendations. The first was
the comparatively smaller markets in Latin American countries which were not
enough to support the economies of scale, and keep the prices low. The second
issue was related to the difficulties in transforming Latin America from agrarian
economies to the industrial nations. The third problem was that ISI caused more
dependency on import of capital and heavy machinery needed for industrialization.
6.2.2 Radical Dependency Theory
Radical dependency theory is built upon Marxism and Lenin’s understanding of
imperialism. Andre Gunder Frank, James Cockcroft, and Dale Johnson are
considered to be the radical dependency theorists. The radical dependency
theorists argue that the motive force behind the dependency relationship is global
capitalism. The developed countries find markets for their finished products in
developing countries. In addition to that, the developed countries also treat
developing countries as the destination for investment. When developing countries
borrow capital from developed countries, the loan repayments deteriorate their
economy. Radical dependency theorists hold that the ‘underdevelopment’ of the
countries in the global south is a historical product. Here ‘underdevelopment’ as
a condition differs from undeveloped. Undeveloped is a condition of lack of
development, and underdevelopment is the result of exploitation by another
country. Centuries of colonialism, exploitation, and socio-economic and political
restructuring of colonies by the imperial powers have transformed the erstwhile
colonies into peripheries and their former masters (present-day developed
countries) into the centre or core. As a result, the countries in the periphery have
to depend upon the core (developed countries) for capital, technology, and finished
goods. In other words, centuries of colonialism has transformed developing
countries into the suppliers of primary commodities, cheap labour, and the
repositories of capital, technologies, and finished goods.
Radical dependency theorists hold that the rigid international division of labour
enforced by the capitalist system is responsible for underdevelopment in some
parts of the world. Here, periphery states are tasked with the supply of primary
commodities. The most striking point is that what periphery states have to supply
and what they have to receive in the form of capital and technology are determined
by the economic interests of the core. Here, the periphery states do not have any
say or control over the matters related to their development. In such a condition,
the governments in the core and the periphery states try to satisfy the interests of
the bourgeoisie. This control of bourgeoisie over the core and periphery is the
characteristic of the highest stage of capitalism or imperialism. In the process,
the periphery countries also experience loss of sovereignty as decision-making
power shifts to the core. Raw material producers become an appendage to the
economies of the core. What one finds is not a genuine national capitalism in
Latin America. Rather it is a capitalism that is dependent; this dependent capitalism
is the result of the processes and decisions made in the core economies.
82
Approaches Radical dependency theorists argue that the countries in the global south cannot
follow the western path to development. The long history of colonialism and the
restructuring of socio-political and economic systems in the colonies created an
asymmetrical structure of relations between the core and the periphery states.
This has made the core as the producers of the finished products and the periphery
states as the suppliers of primary commodities. Moreover, the terms of trade
favour the core at the expense of the periphery, which further widens the
inequalities between the core and the periphery states. Radical dependency
theorists hold that the sheer exploitation in the form of exchange between the
primary commodities and the finished products will only deteriorate the vulnerable
condition of the developing countries. In other words, this unequal exchange
advances the ‘development of underdevelopment’. According to the radical
dependency theorists such as Frank, underdevelopment is the condition created
by the exploitation of developing countries by the undeveloped countries. Hence,
a socialist revolution is the only way to break away from this exploitative and
dependent relationship.
6.2.3 World Systems Theory
World systems theory, proposed by Immanuel Wallerstein, is the comprehensive
version of the dependency theory. In contrast to the moderate and radical
dependency theorists, who limit their study to the economic relations between
the core and periphery, World Systems theory is focused on a broader geographical
framework. It draws on the Lenin’s understanding of imperialism and World
Systems theory holds that the world as it is today can be understood only in the
context of the development of global capitalism. Because, today there is only
one world system, which is a capitalist world-economy, emerged in Europe during
the ‘long’ sixteenth century (1450-1640). According to Wallerstein, this capitalist
world-economy is characterized by the ‘production for the market to gain the
maximum profit, and unequal exchange relations between the core and the
peripheral states’. Further, this global capital has generated a hierarchical structure,
which determines the position of each state within this world-economy. Through
this hierarchical structure and market mechanisms, the core exploits the periphery.
Wallerstein introduces the ‘semi-periphery’ as a third category between the
‘periphery’ and the ‘core’. The semi-peripheral states are the emerging economies
such as India, China, South Africa, and Brazil, characterized by attributes such
as modern industries, cities, and large peasantry. According to World Systems
theorists, the possibility of changing position in the core/semi-periphery/periphery
hierarchy is very rare. Hence, the core, periphery, and semi-periphery remain as
the enduring features of the capitalist world-economy. Therefore, the World
Systems theory is a critic of liberal and modernization theories of socio-economic
and political development. World Systems theory, further, holds that the semiperiphery states divide the periphery and it makes a unified opposition against
the core a difficult task. The core maintains its hegemony due to the divisions
within the semi-periphery-periphery camps. However, the World Systems theory
argues that the contradictions within the capitalist global economy will lead to
the decline of capitalism and its replacement by socialism.

Check Your Progress Exercise 1 Dependency Theory
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer,
ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1) Give a brief introduction of dependency theory.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
6.3 MAJOR CONCEPTS IN DEPENDENCY
THEORY
6.3.1 Dependency as the Result of a Historical Process
Dependency is the result of a specific historical process. Through centuries of
colonialism and domination, the colonial and dominant capitalist powers
restructured the socio-economic institutions of the colonies and underdeveloped
regions; and integrated the economies of these countries and regions as resource
suppliers into the world economy in accordance with the requirement of
capitalism. As a result, the colonies and other underdeveloped regions became
the suppliers of primary commodities and the markets for the finished goods
manufactured by the colonial and dominant capitalist economies. Dependency
theorists argue that even after the end of formal colonialism, the structure of the
world economy remains without any change. Former colonies and other resource
producing regions remain in the periphery of global capitalism whose centre, or
core, remained for centuries in Europe and shifted to the USA over the last one
hundred years.
6.3.2 Core, Periphery, Semi-Periphery, and Enclave Economy
Dependency theorists categorize the economies into the two broad categories,
i.e., the core and the periphery. The core economies are the developed countries
in the global north (e.g. in Europe, the USA, and Japan) characterized by advanced
technology and industries, supported by powerful state governments, a strong
middle class (bourgeoisie) and a large working class (proletariat). In addition to
the core, terms such as the ‘centre’ and ‘metropolitan’ are also used to denote the
industrially developed countries in the global north. The terms such as periphery
and satellite are referred to the developing and least developed countries in the
global south (e.g. in Africa, South Asia, and Latin America), which are dependent
on the production of primary commodities. These countries are featured with
weak states, a small middle class and a large number of low-skill and agriculture
workers. In addition to the core and the periphery, Immanuel Wallerstein sets
forth an intermediate position, i.e., the semi-periphery, in terms of its economic
condition. The semi-peripheral states are the emerging economies such as India,
China, South Africa, and Brazil, characterized by attributes such as modern

industries, cities, and large peasantry. These states are also witnessing a shift
from less profitable peripheral-type economic activities to more profitable coretype ones.
Dependency theorists define ‘enclave economy’ as a territory within the periphery,
in which foreign capital is invested for extracting raw materials such as minerals,
oil, plantations, etc. Even though the extractions in the enclave economies provide
some jobs for a small group of the population in the periphery, it does not improve
the economic condition of the periphery. However, its natural resources get
depleted in the process and the enclave continues to suffer from lack of
development.
6.3.3 Dependency Theory as a Critic of Liberal Theories
Liberal thinkers of economic development such as Adam Smith (1723-1790),
believed that economic activity should be spontaneous and freed from all forms
of regulations. Smith argued that if economic activities were allowed to operate
without regulations, then it would operate in accordance with its own rules and
bring immense progress in society. In tune with Smith, Jean-Baptiste Say (1767-
1830) supported laissez-faire (this French term refers to the policy, which allows
free functioning of the economy) and held that free functioning of the capitalist
economy without government intervention would naturally bring immense
prosperity and full employment in society. David Ricardo’s (1772-1823) theory
of comparative advantage provided an intellectual capital for free-trade. According
to Ricardo, a country’s situation such as climate, and other natural and artificial
factors provide a comparative advantage in producing certain commodities.
Therefore, each country can specialize in the production of those commodities
which has a comparative advantage, and through the promotion of free-trade all
countries can ensure the availability of commodities at the cheapest prices as
possible. Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832), who was the contemporary of Say and
Ricardo, held that popular democracy and free-trade would allow all human beings
to maximize their pleasure and minimize their pain. Bentham argued that it would
eventually result in the greatest happiness for the greatest number. Political
revolution in France and the Industrial Revolution in England and the resultant
mass political and economic participation, a massive flow of raw materials from
colonies, mass production of consumer goods, the rapid growth of markets in
Europe and its colonies worldwide, tremendous material advancement in Europe
set liberalism as a model for modern society.
However, the new socio-political and economic system which emerged in
industrial Europe and colonies worldwide were not free from problems. It created
class divisions within society between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat. The
new condition was conducive to exploitation and it gradually and steadily
degraded the status of the proletariat in every social standard. Initially, the
advocates of liberalism argued that problems created by industrialization would
be naturally resolved by the logic of the free market. They held that wealth would
flow from the bourgeoisie to the proletariat through the ‘trickle-down’ effect.
Eventually, the bourgeoisie and the proletariat would have a harmony of interests
and would finally settle all the socio-economic problems. Therefore, in order to
achieve this desirable condition, the liberals argued for more economic reforms
and minimum government intervention. However, growing disparities contrary
to the claims of the liberals later led to working-class movements and the formation
of Marxism, the radical ideology proposed by Karl Marx (1818-1883).
85
Dependency Theory It should be noted that the centuries of European colonialism not only exhausted
the economy of colonies worldwide, but also the former had restructured the
socio-economic and political systems of the latter. Hence, European powers could
design their colonies as the provider of raw materials and the repository for capital
and finished goods. This created a dependency, which continued even after the
colonies became formally independent. Thus, dependency theorists refute the
claims of the theory of comparative advantage espoused by liberal thinkers.
According to dependency theorists ‘theory of comparative advantage is a
damaging myth’.
6.3.4 Critique of Modernization Theory
Modernization theory is a perspective that the less developed countries can achieve
development through accelerating economic growth and replacing the traditional
values and socio-political and economic systems with that of the developed
countries. Modernization theory equates development with mass industrialization,
a higher level of economic growth, and the liberal democratic values. The bestknown modernization theory was set forth by Walt Whitman Rostow, an American
economist and political theorist, who played a major role in shaping US foreign
policy toward Latin America in the 1960s.
According to Rostow, all countries have to undergo four stages of economic
development for achieving the status of a developed country. The first stage is
the ‘traditional’ stage, in which people do not subscribe to the work ethic, save
little money, hold that the economic backwardness is part of their fate. Therefore,
during this stage, people do not think much about changing their living standard
so that very little social change takes place at this stage. The second stage is the
‘take-off’ stage. During this stage, less developed countries think about changing
their future and discard traditional values. Due to these reasons, people start to
save and invest money, promote competitions that lead to achievements, and
economic growth is visible at this stage. Foreign assistance in the form of aid
and assistance is very essential in entering the third stage of development. During
the third stage, the country improves its technology, set up new industries and
moves toward technological maturity. This stage also witnesses the transformation
of traditional values and social institutions into that of the developed countries.
At the fourth stage, the country enters into the final phase of development, featured
with higher levels of economic growth, consumption and standard of living.
Dependency theorists hold that modernization theory is ethnocentric and ignores
the social and cultural arrangements in other parts of the world and to their unique
historical experiences. The proponents of modernization failed to examine the
impact of colonization on former colonies, especially in figuring out the historical
process over centuries that created an unfavourable condition for developing
countries. According to dependency theorists, modernization theorists have
ignored the exploitation inherent in the economic relations between the developed
and the developing countries in terms of trade and investment. Therefore,
dependency theorists argue Rostow’s modernization theory emanates from ‘one
size fits all’ assumption and it fails to address the real reasons for the
underdevelopment of the peripheral countries.

6.3.5 Development of Underdevelopment
‘Development of underdevelopment’ is a concept proposed by Andre Gunder
Frank to denote the deteriorating economic condition of the peripheral states as
the result of their dependency on the core. According to Frank, underdevelopment
is a condition fundamentally different from undeveloped. Undeveloped is a
condition of a region, in which its resources are not being utilized. For instance,
Asia, Americas, and Africa during the pre-colonial period were undeveloped.
Their land and natural resources were not utilized on a scale consistent with
their potential. However, European powers during the colonial period extracted
natural resources of their colonies. As a result, the resources of the colonies
drained but it did not provide any benefit to the colonies, however, the economies
of the colonial powers improved at the cost of the resources of the colonies.
Even after the end of the colonialism, the core countries retain their dominance
over the peripheral states. Thus, the exploitation of the core continues to date,
and growing economic relations between the core and periphery brings advantage
to the former and disadvantage to the latter. In other words, dependency will
further exploit the natural resources of the periphery, deteriorate the economic
condition of the periphery, and bring prosperity to the core. Thus, Frank’s concept
of ‘the development of underdevelopment’ argues that development in the core
countries always produces underdevelopment and poverty in the periphery.
6.3.6 Neoliberal Globalization Entrenching the Dependency
Most of the dependency theorists hold that the current phase of globalization is
‘neoliberal globalization dominated by transnational corporations (TNCs)’. As a
result, the production of manufacturing goods concentrates in the hands of a few
TNCs, which makes an oligopoly market at the global level. According to the
dependency theorists, this will slow down production and speed up income
polarization. Neoliberal globalization also witnesses increasing dependency of
the peripheral states on the core and international financial institutions for capital.
This drastically cuts down the ‘sovereignty’ of peripheral states in determining
and implementing their policies, as they are dictated by the international financial
institutions. For instance, the Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) set forth
by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) compelled peripheral states to roll
back welfare schemes and adopt free market economic policies. Through the
payments of loan interests, royalties, profits and the large scale imports of finished
goods the peripheral states transfer a significant amount of money to the core.
This transfer of money creates a fund crunch in the peripheral states, and it will
adversely affect their capacity in investing for the development of their domestic
industry and infrastructure.
There are a number of empirical studies on the impact of dependency on
developing countries in the global south. For instance, Richard J. Barnet and
Ronald E. Muller’s work titled, Global Reach: The Power of the Multinational
Corporations, (1974) was an inquiry into the exploitation by the multinational
corporations. The authors argue that far from creating jobs and infusing technology
in the global south, companies like General Motors ‘drained off’ local investment
capital. Teresa Hayter’s book titled, Aid as Imperialism (1971), argues that foreign
assistance in the forms of loans, technology, and arms have been used to bolster
oppressive dictatorships rather than lay foundations for development in the
countries belonging to the global south. Foreign aid for infrastructure development
87
did not uplift the living standards of the people in a developing country. Rather, Dependency Theory
it distorted their economy and transformed them into debtor nations. For instance,
Brazil and Mexico became debtors in the 1980s due to loan repayment. Thus,
dependency theorists argue that the neoliberal globalization dominated by TNCs
and financial institutions will enhance the economic gap between the core and
peripheral states, and it will further deteriorate the economic condition of the
peripheral states.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer,
ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1) What are the major concepts in dependency theory?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
6.4 CRITICISM
Dependency theory emerged as the critique of liberal and modernization approach
to development. However, in recent years, dependency theory has been the target
of its opponents (i.e., liberal and modernization theories), and interestingly, it
has also been criticized by Marxist thinkers. Liberal and modernization theorists
argue that the success of Asian Tigers [i.e., Singapore, South Korea, Taiwan, and
Hong Kong] nullify the claims of dependency theory. The Asian Tigers have
succeeded in achieving their target of rapid industrialization and maintaining a
higher growth rate. Moreover, they are in a position to compete with and challenge
the economies of the developed countries in the global north. Liberal thinkers
argue that dependency theory is unable to explain the reasons for the success of
the economies such as Asian Tigers. Political scientists like Gabriel Almond
observe that dependency is merely political propaganda rather than a theory.
Liberal thinker John Goldthorpe and the Brandt Report (1980) criticize radical
dependency due to its biased opinion on the economic relations between the
core and periphery. According to the radical position of Andre Gunder Frank,
dependency will only enhance the pace of ‘development of underdevelopment’
and the core is not interested in the development of the periphery. However, the
liberals argue that the core needs the periphery to grow and industrialize as a
source of new investment and new market. Further, the Brandt Report suggests
that the ‘rebalancing’ of the world economic system in favour of the global south
(peripheral states) is desirable than its abolition. In his later work titled, Crisis in
the World Economy (1980), even Frank changed his position on ‘development of
underdevelopment’ and admitted that industrial development is possible in the
peripheral states. Likewise, Fernando Henrique Cardoso wrote and explained
Brazil’s relative success in industrialization and reduction in its dependence on
raw material exports from the 1970s onwards. Developments in the world
capitalism opened opportunities to industrialize while still remaining within the overall context of a dependent economy. While Brazil did experience what
Cardoso called ‘associated dependent development’, the neighbouring Bolivia
did not, meaning thereby that dependency in terms of its dynamics differs from
country to country and region to region. Radical dependency is also criticized
for its preoccupied position that the problem lays in ‘capitalism’. For instance,
dependency relationships existed between the communist core (erstwhile Soviet
Union) and its periphery (countries allied with the Soviet Union during the Cold
War period). Radical dependency theorists ignored the dependency relationships
within the countries in the communist bloc.
In addition to the criticism from liberal and modernization thinkers, dependency
subjects to the criticism of Marxist writers. For instance, Samir Amin in his
work titled, Unequal Development: An Essay on the Social Formations of
Peripheral Capitalism (1976), observes that historical analysis of radical
dependency theory represented by Frank is too generalized. Frank’s theory fails
to show unevenness of the development of the peripheral states, ranging from
the backwardness of Ethiopia to the growing industries of Asian Tigers – a point
also made by Cardoso. Radical dependency is also charged with its focus only
on the relations between the core and periphery while ignoring the dependency
within the peripheral states. For instance, while outspoken about the dominance
of TNCs from the core states in the peripheral states, radical dependency ignores
the domination of TNCs from the peripheral states in their counterparts.
According to Argentine post-Marxism thinker Ernesto Laclau, dependency theory
is not a true Marxist analysis. In his book titled, Politics and Ideology in Marxist
Theory: Capitalism-Fascism-Populism (1977), Laclau opines that Frank’s
dependency theory is a mere narration of the flow of surplus from the periphery
to the core. What is missing in this narration is the Marxist analysis of relations
of production and the mode of production. It also fails to provide a Marxist
account of the stages of economic transformation of peripheral states’ from
feudalism to capitalism. Moreover, Frank is criticized for missing an important
component of Marxism, the internal dynamics of the class struggle in his analysis.
Unlike treating dependency as a process of ‘underdevelopment’, thinkers such
as Bill Warren argue it as a progressive stage. In his book, Imperialism: Pioneer
of Capitalism (1980), Warren opines that dependency plays a major role in
transforming the peripheral states from feudalism to capitalism, thereby advancing
its path to socialism. The core imparts not only skills, capital and technology to
the peripheral states but also the former makes the latter perfect for a ‘typical’
class struggle. As a result, the proletariats in the peripheral states become
conscious about exploitation and they will be able to organize against Western
capitalism.
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer,
ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1) What are the major points of criticism of dependency theory?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
89
Dependency Theory 6.5 LET US SUM UP
Dependency theory has emerged as a critic of liberal and modernization theories
of socio-economic and political development. Liberal theories hold that
backwardness in the developing countries can be overcome with greater economic
relations with the developed countries and by replicating the socio-economic
institutions of the developed countries in the developing countries. However,
dependency theory challenged all these arguments of liberal theories on the ground
that the greater economic relations with the developed countries have only caused
the exploitation of the developing countries. Dependency theory argues that
economic relations between the core and periphery have led to the overexploitation
of natural resources in the peripheries, the flow of surplus from periphery to the
core, widening the gap between the developed and developing countries, and it
has become a perennial process of the ‘development of underdevelopment’. One
of the salient features of dependency theory is that it could set forth a theory
from the perspective of the developing countries. Dependency theory holds that
the backwardness in the developing countries is the result of a historical process
emanating from the emergence of capitalism. Dependency has established through
colonialism and even after the end of formal colonialism, the former colonial
masters could retain their control over the periphery through economic relations.
Contrary to the belief of modernization theorists that the real cause of
backwardness of the developing countries is internal, dependency theorists argue
that it is external factors that prevent them from development. Dependency theory
is not a unified approach and there are three major versions on the basis of
analyzing dependency. Even though dependency theory is criticized by both liberal
and Marxist thinkers, it gives us insights on the growing inequalities between
the countries in the global north and the global south; and as to why countries
and regions in the global south remain dependent and underdeveloped.
6.6 REFERENCES
Baran, Paul A. (1957). The Political Economy of Growth, New York: Monthly
Review Press.
Emmanuel, Arghiri (1972). Unequal Exchange: A Study of the Imperialism of
Trade, New York: Monthly Review Press.
Evans, Peter (1979). Dependent Development: The Alliance of Multinational,
State, and Local Capital in Brazil, Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Evans, Peter (2005). “Counterhegemonic Globalization: Transnational Social
Movements in the Contemporary Global Political Economy”, in The Handbook
of Political Sociology: States, Civil Societies, and Globalization, Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Farmer, Brian R. (1999). The Question of Dependency and Economic
Development: A Quantitative Analysis, Lanham: Lexington Books.
Firebaugh, Glenn (2003). The New Geography of Global Income Inequality,
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Frank, Andre Gunder (1967). Capitalism and Underdevelopment in Latin
America: Historical Studies of Chile and Brazil, New York: Monthly Review
Press.
90
Approaches Kohli, Atul (2004). State-Directed Development: Political Power and
Industrialization in the Global Periphery, Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Wallerstein, Immanuel. (2004). World-Systems Analysis: An Introduction,
Durham: Duke University Press.
6.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
1) Your answer should highlight the following points
Dependency theory is a critic of liberal theories of socio-economic
and political development
Definition given by Theotonio Dos Santos
Three different version of dependency theory: moderate, radical and
world system theory
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
1) Your answer should highlight the following points
Dependency as the result of a historical process
Core, periphery, semi-periphery and enclave economy
Dependency theory is a critic of liberal theory; modernization theory;
development of underdevelopment; and neoliberal globalization
entrenching the dependency
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
1) Your answer should highlight the following points
Liberal thinkers argue dependency theory is unable to explain the
reasons for the success of the economies such as Asian Tigers
Political scientists like Gabriel Almond observe that dependency is
merely political propaganda rather than a theory
Liberals argue that the core needs the periphery to grow and industrialize
as a source of new investment and new market
Marxist critique of dependency theory is that it is not a true Marxist
analysis
Internal dynamics of the class struggle is missing in dependency theory

UNIT 7 CONSTRUCTIVISM*
Structure
7.0 Objectives
7.1 Introduction
7.2 What is Constructivism?
7.3 Philosophical Foundations of Constructivism
7.4 Major Assumptions of Constructivism
7.4.1 Social Construction of Reality
7.4.2 Influence of Ideational Factors
7.4.3 Mutual Constitution of Agents and Structure
7.4.4 International Anarchy
7.5 Different Versions of Constructivism
7.5.1 Modernist
7.5.2 Modernist Linguistic or Rule-oriented Constructivism
7.5.3 Radical
7.5.4 Critical
7.6 Let Us Sum Up
7.7 References
7.8 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
7.0 OBJECTIVES
The aim of this Unit is to examine the uniqueness of Constructivism among
International Relations theories. After going through this Unit, you would be
able to:
Explain the philosophical foundations of Constructivism
Narrate the salient features of Constructivism and
Examine the major versions of Constructivism
7.1 INTRODUCTION
Social Constructivism or Constructivism is a theory in International Relations
which holds that developments in international relations are being constructed
through social processes in accordance with ideational factors such as identity,
norms, rules, etc. This standpoint of Constructivism is contrary to the ‘atomized’
or ‘individualist’ and ‘materialist’ interpretation of international relations by the
mainstream theories in IR [i.e., Neorealism and Neoliberalism]. Both Neorealism
and Neoliberalism hold that material factors such as military capacity and
economic resources are catalysts for developments in international relations. Since
the nature of international relations is anarchical, the actions of nation-states are
heavily depended on their self-interest (i.e., to augment the military capabilities
and economic resources), and calculations about consequences (i.e, to avoid
*
Dr. Roshan Varghese V., Research Scholar, Political Science, IGNOU, New Delhi
92
Approaches actions that adversely affect states’ security). In such considerations, there is no
room for normative concerns and sociability. Thus in an anarchical world, states
are concerned about their (self) security; hence, the study of international relations
should be focused on material factors that affect state security. This approach of
mainstream theories neglected the ideational factors, which influence the
behaviour of nation-states.
The developments since the end of the Cold War give impetus to Constructivism.
For instance, Realism and its variant Neorealism hold that stability of the
international system is maintained through a balance of power between major
states and their alliances. Therefore, the proponents of Neorealism believed that
some states would emerge to balance the United States to offset its power in the
absence of the Soviet Union. They also predicted the emergence of new great
powers in a multipolar system. Kenneth Waltz, the chief advocate of Neorealism,
forecasted the rise of new great powers in a short span of time. However, it has
not happened since the end of the Cold War. The developments since the Cold
War also challenged the core assumption of liberalism, liberal optimism or a
belief in progress. Francis Fukuyama’s essay titled, The End of History, which
was published in 1989 and his book titled, The End of History and the Last Man,
which was published in 1992 were about the ultimate victory of liberal values.
According to Fukuyama, the disintegration of the Soviet Union marked the
dismantling of ideological divisions and thereby the world witnessed the
universalization of liberal values. In a similar vein, Robert Keohane shares the
liberal optimism about progress. Liberalism strongly believes that international
relations can be transformed from conflict to cooperation through interdependence
and democracy. Many believed that the victory and universalization of liberal
values after the end of the Cold War would make the world a better place to live
in. However, the world has been witnessing the resurgence of civil wars,
international terrorism, non-state violence and genocide, ‘failed’ states and state
itself involved in ‘ethnic cleansing’ since the end of the Cold War. These
developments undermined the liberal optimism about peace and cooperation at
the domestic and international levels. Thus, the developments since the end of
the Cold War have questioned the ability of Realism and Liberalism and their
variants in predicting and explaining international relations. The critics of Realism
and Liberalism hold that the emphasis on material factors while neglecting the
ideational factors are the major reasons for weakness of these theories in
understanding the recent developments in international relations. The incidents
ranging from genocides to civil wars are very much related to the ideational
factors like ‘identity’; therefore, a new paradigm in analyzing these developments
became the need of the hour.
Moreover, the end of the Cold War and the increasing pace of globalization
drastically altered the international environment hitherto. The new developments
triggered a new set of problems and opportunities for nation-states, transnational
corporations, and civil society groups. At the same time, nation-states across the
world witnessed serious debates on questions such as, what is national identity
and what is national interest? This was to re-shape their policies to address the
changing international environment. A ‘Constructivist lens’ was required in this
regard. In sum, the new developments at the domestic as well as international
relations led to the rise of Constructivism in IR.
93
Constructivism 7.2 WHAT IS CONSTRUCTIVISM?
The term ‘Constructivism’ encompasses a wide range of theoretical perspectives
whose converging point is the view that ‘we have no direct access to reality’.
But the Social world that is accessible to us, is constructed through our social
relations. Our social relations are constructed through the ideas we share about
the world. In other words, we construct the ‘social world’ in accordance with our
ideas (about the world on the basis of our experiences and perceptions about it).
It holds a view that the social world and our ideas are mutually constitutive.
Constructivism in the academic discipline of IR argues that international relations
are a social construction. States, alliances, and international institutions are the
products of human interaction in the social world. They are being constructed
through human action imbued with social values, identity, assumptions, rules,
language, etc. Constructivism is a three-layered understanding of international
relations involving metaphysics, social theory, and IR theory. First, Constructivism
is a metaphysical stance. Metaphysics is a branch of philosophy, which examines
and interprets the nature of reality. Therefore the scholars who treat Constructivism
as a metaphysical stance seek to examine and interpret the real nature of
international relations. Second, constructivism as a social theory focuses on the
role of knowledge and knowledgeable agents in the constitution of social reality.
In other words, Constructivists examine the role of shared understanding, and
discourses in the construction of international relations. Shared understanding
means the perception of people or nation-states about their counterparts and the
social world. This shared understanding is formed through perceptions about the
other (people or nation-states) and interactions in society or international relations.
Our perceptions and interactions inform some knowledge about the other and
this knowledge constructs social reality. Thus, our knowledge about social reality
is constructed through our perceptions and interactions. Finally, Constructivism
as an IR theory seeks to conduct research on sound social ontological and
epistemological foundations. In other words, IR Constructivism holds that
international relations are a social construction; therefore, its study requires a
particular set of methods. Constructivism enhanced the scope of IR by
incorporating ideational factors such as identity, norms, and rule into its fold.
For instance, IR Constructivism examines the role of identities, norms in the
constitution of national interests, and the social construction of new territorial
and non-territorial transnational regions.
The term ‘Constructivism’ was coined for International Relations by Nicholas
Greenwood Onuf in his book, World of Our Making: Rules and Rule in Social
Theory and International Relations [1989]. However, it was the works of
Alexander Wendt especially his 1992 article, Anarchy is what States Make of it:
The Social Construction of Power Politics, and his 1999 book, Social Theory of
International Politics which popularized Constructivism in IR. Wendt’s version
of Constructivism, a state-centric and structural one, helped it to find a place
among the mainstream theories of International Relations.
7.3 PHILOSOPHICAL FOUNDATIONS OF
CONSTRUCTIVISM
Even though Constructivism is a recent entrant into the club of IR theories, its
genesis can be traced back to the works of German philosopher Immanuel Kant
94
Approaches (1724–1804). Kant heralded a Constructivist turn in epistemology by setting
forth a viewpoint that the production of knowledge is influenced by the
consciousness. Having been influenced by Kant, Neo-Kantians of the late
nineteenth and early twentieth centuries proposed an ‘objective hermeneutics’,
which stressed the importance of understanding consciousness. During this period
a number of German thinkers came forward to state that human sciences [such
as history, literature, law, politics, etc.] could not be studied like natural sciences.
These thinkers argued for a separate methodology for human sciences. The most
influential of them were Wilhelm Dilthey (1833-1911), Edmund Husserl (1869-
1938), Max Weber (1864-1920) and Friedrich Nietzsche (1844 – 1900). The
works of these thinkers had immensely contributed to the birth of Constructivism
in IR. For instance, Dilthey held that the subject matter of human sciences is the
‘human mind’, which reflects in languages, actions, and institutions. In order to
understand the human mind one has to examine cultural aspects and historical
processes in which languages, actions, and institutions are constructed. Husserl
introduced phenomenology as a method for the description and analysis of
consciousness. Weber’s contribution to Constructivism is that he introduced
‘verstehen’ as a method to understand and explain the meaning of motivations
that lead to actions. Nietzsche challenged the concept of ‘objectivity’ and ‘value
neutrality’ in social theories. According to Nietzsche, our statement about the
world is highly influenced by our assumptions and convictions about the world.
Therefore, the piece of knowledge produced by a scientist is inevitably ‘subjective’
rather than the result of an ‘objective’ analysis.
Another influential figure who contributed to the birth of Constructivism is
Austrian philosopher Alfred Schutz (1899–1959). According to Schutz, we always
try to typify people and things to understand them. Further, Schutz argues that
our knowledge about people and things are highly influenced by our perceptions
and interactions with them. Having been influenced by the works of Schutz,
American sociologists Peter Ludwig Berger (1929 – 2017) and Thomas Luckmann
(1927 – 2016) jointly introduced the concept of the ‘social construction of reality’.
According to them, interactions of people in society evolve concepts about human
behaviour and these concepts become habituated and eventually institutionalized.
Our knowledge about society, people, things or our conception of reality is
constructed through our interaction in society and is the result of our
interpretations on the basis of our experiences in these interactions. In other
words, the reality is socially constructed which is the result of our interpretations
on the basis of our experiences in interactions. Berger and Luckmann published
a book titled, The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of
Knowledge, (1966) on this theme.
Works of the French philosophers also had profoundly influenced the birth and
evolution of Constructivism. For instance, Emile Durkheim (1858-1917) argued
that social phenomena are as real as ‘things’ (material objects) and should be
studied as such. His argument firmly established the Constructivists’ concept of
the primacy of the ideational factors. Other important French thinkers who
influenced the germination of Constructivism were Michel Foucault (1926 –
1984) and Jacques Derrida (1930 – 2004). Postmodernism proposed by Foucault
was aimed at uncovering the discourse and power structures that control practices
in society. Discourse can be defined as ‘language-in-action’ or it is about what
we say (language) about things in conversation and how we do (practice) things
in our everyday lives. Foucault believed that discourse or ‘language-in-action’
has power. In other words, discourse designs the rules in society about ‘what
95
should be’ and ‘what should not be’. Poststructuralism set forth by Derrida aimed Constructivism
at deconstructing the dominant readings of reality.
Constructivism came into existence as a response to the ‘third debate’ in IR. The
third debate, between Neorealism and Neoliberalism, was a synthesis movement
to make IR more scientific. It succeeded in reaching a common ontological and
epistemological position between Neorealism and Neoliberalism. Both theories
hold that ‘material resources’ are the catalysts for development in international
relations, the structure of international system shapes the behaviour of nationstates and nation-states take their decisions on the basis of the logic of
consequences. Epistemologically, both theories adopted positivism to make IR
more scientific. Positivism believes that natural as well as social worlds are
functioning in accordance with certain universal laws. There are regularities in
the functioning of natural and the social world. Due to this reason, the same
methods can be applied in the study of the natural and social world. Therefore,
social science research should also be based on objectivity and value neutrality,
and on the empirical validation and falsification of facts. Mainstream IR theories’
reliance on positivism triggered the ‘fourth debate’ between the proponents of
positivism and postpositivism in IR in the late 1980s and that led to a number of
postpositivist/postmodernist/poststructuralist theories including Constructivism.
When narrating the genesis of Constructivism one cannot ignore the influence of
the English School, which is considered to be the precursor to IR constructivism.
The English School interprets international relations as being social and historical.
Moreover, it believes in the existence of an international society driven by norms
and identity.
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.
ii) See the end of the Unit for tips for your answer.
1) What do you understand by Constructivism?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
7.4 MAJOR ASSUMPTIONS OF
CONSTRUCTIVISM
7.4.1 Social Construction of Reality
Constructivists believe that reality is a project under constant construction. Instead
of treating the social world as a pre-given entity, Constructivists consider it as a
‘world as coming into being’. Social reality is derived from inter-subjective
knowledge and our interpretations about the social world. This is contrary to the
functioning of the celestial body. For instance, Sun, Moon, Earth and other planets
of our solar system are functioning in accordance with certain objective laws.
96
Approaches Our understanding and interpretation of the universe cannot influence and alter
its functioning. However, social reality is constituted of our inter-subjective (or
shared) knowledge and interpretations about the social world and this may
influence and alter our social relations. Here, the knowledge is constructed intersubjectively, which means the knowledge is produced in the interactions amongst
people. For instance, Alexander Wendt in his influential article, Anarchy is what
States Make of it: The Social Construction of Power Politics, explains how
knowledge is constructed inter-subjectively by depicting the story of ‘Alter’ and
‘Ego’. Alter and Ego, are two imagined characters, who meet each other for the
first time. Therefore, both do not have any idea about the nature of the other,
which means they do not have any friendship and enmity beforehand. In such a
condition, their interactions will inform them about the nature of the other –
whether the counterpart is trustworthy or unreliable, friendly or hostile. The same
thing is happening in international relations, where interactions among nationstates inform them about the nature of international relations, who are the friendly
nations and enemies. Constructivists also hold that the experiences during the
course of interactions and the interpretations may change the imagery about the
other. In other words, interactions and interpretations may transform the enmity
to friendship and the vice versa. The book titled, The Culture of National Security:
Norms and Identity in World Politics, edited by Peter J. Katzenstein (1996) sets
forth the argument that international relations do not function independently of
human action and cognition. Moreover, the book argues that norms and ideas
play a major role in defining the identities of actors thereby prescribe the proper
behaviour for actors. This is just in contrast to the logic of consequences or
rational-choice suggested by Neorealism and Neoliberalism.
7.4.2 Influence of Ideational Factors
Since the reality is socially constructed, we cannot understand social realities
(including international relations) by examining only material forces (such as
military power, economic resources). Instead, Constructivists believe that
understanding of social reality requires the examination of both ideational
(identity, culture, norms) and material factors. For instance, a North Korean
nuclear weapon is similar to a French nuclear weapon in terms of its material
attribute and destructive effects. However, as far as the United States of America
(USA) is concerned, the nuclear weapon of North Korea is dangerous and the
French one is not. Both nuclear weapons get different meanings according to the
nature of the USA’s relations with France and North Korea. Here, ‘identity’ as an
ideational factor gives different meanings to nuclear weapons, as the USA treats
the French as its ally and North Korea as its enemy (and a potential threat to the
USA’s security). The notion of identity is very much related to a binary of ‘we’
and ‘other’. History, culture, political processes, and social interactions are playing
a major role in forming this binary. For instance, the common history of ancestors,
sharing liberal values, mutual understanding and cordial relations inform both
the USA and France that they have a lot of things in common; therefore, both of
them consider each other as a friend. However, on the basis of the same criteria,
the USA realizes that North Korea is the ‘other’. Constructivists argue that
identities are socially constructed through interactions. They, further suggest that
the behaviour of nation-states in the international system is not driven solely by
the distribution of power, but also depends on the ‘distribution of identities’.
That is, patterns of cooperation and conflict depend on how states understand

themselves and others in the international system, rather than solely on material Constructivism
factors.
7.4.3 Mutual Constitution of Agents and Structure
Structuration theory was illustrated by the eminent sociologist Anthony Giddens
in a number of his books starting from, New Rules of Sociological Method (1976)
and The Constitution of Society: Outline of the Theory of Structuration (1984).
Structuration theory of Giddens argues that structures and agents are mutually
constitutive. Constructivists such as Nicholas Onuf and Alexander Wendt
borrowed Giddens’s theory of structuration to explain the mutual influence of
agents and structure in the field of international relations. According to Onuf
‘people and societies construct, or constitute, each other’. At the same time,
Wendt used the Giddens’s structuration theory to challenge the Neorealist
understanding of the relationship between the structure of the international system
and nation-states proposed by Kenneth Waltz. According to Kenneth Waltz, it is
the structure of the international system that influences behaviour of units (nationstates or agents) and the other way round is not possible. On the contrary, Wendt
argues that nation-states and the structure of the international system are mutually
constitutive. Not only that, Wendt in his article, Anarchy is what States Make of
it: The Social Construction of Power Politics, puts more weight on agents (nationstates) over the structure (of the international system) in terms of one’s influence
on the other. In other words, Wendt’s notion of agent-structure relationship is
contrary to that of Neorealist and Neoliberal understanding of the agent-structure
relationship.
7.4.4 International Anarchy
In IR, ‘anarchy’, is conceived as a social system that lacks legitimate institutions
of authority. During the grand debate (neo-neo debate) between Neorealism and
Neoliberalism, there was a consensus about the nature of anarchy. Both Neorealists
and Neoliberals held that the absence of a world government was the major
reason for international anarchy, which created a ‘state of nature’ outside nationstates. Hence, Neorealists preferred a self-help mechanism to address international
anarchy. On the contrary, Neoliberals suggested interdependence for mitigating
anarchy and overcoming insecurity in the international system. However,
Constructivists have a different opinion about international anarchy. For instance,
Nicholas Onuf holds that the absence of a world government does not lead to
disorder and violence. Rather, there are three categories of rules (i.e. ‘instructionrules’, ‘directive-rules’, and ‘commitment-rules’) to constitute and regulate
international relations. Instruction-rules set forth general principles of international
relations (such as sovereignty, human rights, international law, etc.) and their
importance in ensuring peaceful international relations. Directive-rules have
provisions for protecting these principles and punishing offenders. For instance,
invading another nation-state is the violation of state ‘sovereignty’, and then the
international community will join together against the offender. Nation-states
entering into treaties on human rights and environment means they promise to
protect them, means commitment-rules play a significant role in international
relations. Thus, according to Onuf international relations are regulated by rules,
and international anarchy is a rule by no sovereign body, and therefore a rule by
everyone associated with the aforesaid rules. Wendt also negates the Neorealist
and Neoliberal assumption about international anarchy. According to Wendt, there
is no ‘logic’ of anarchy apart from the practices and interactions among nation-
98
Approaches state. Then the nature of anarchy is determined by ideational factors, practices,
and interactions among nation-states. The relationship among friends will be
very cordial, strangers will be lukewarm, and enemies will be hostile in the state
of anarchy. Thus, the outcome of anarchy will be shaped by the interactions and
shared understandings of nation-states.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.
ii) See the end of the Unit for tips for your answer.
1) What are the Major assumptions of Constructivism?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
7.5 DIFFERENT VERSIONS OF
CONSTRUCTIVISM
According to Emanuel Adler, Constructivist approaches can be classified
according to the type of hermeneutics they use – objective or subjective; and the
cognitive interest they pursue – control or emancipation. According to these
criteria, Constructivism can be categorized into four main types: Modernist;
Modernist Linguistic or Rule-Oriented Constructivism; Radical; and Critical.
7.5.1 Modernist Constructivism
Modernist Constructivism is characterized by ‘objective hermeneutics’ with a
‘conservative interest in understanding and explaining social reality’.
Hermeneutics is a method of interpretation and the ‘objective hermeneutics’ is a
method proposed by Neo-Kantians in accordance with Immanuel Kant’s
understanding of knowledge production. According to Kant, even though the
knowledge is about objective reality, it is filtered through our consciousness. In
other words, our knowledge (about an object) is highly influenced by our
consciousness. Having been influenced by the Kantian notion of knowledge, the
Neo-Kantians argue that learning is a process of applying a priori forms our
minds on the object of study. Therefore, ‘objective hermeneutics’ seeks to
understand consciousness and motivations that lead to actions. It also relies on
cause and effect analysis and reconstruction of historical processes to understand
particular events. In other words, a particular event in history or a social fact is
the result of a concrete historical sequence and the effect of certain causes.
Building on ‘objective hermeneutics’ the modernist constructivists believe that
positivist methods are applicable in the study of developments in international
relations. Another characteristic of modernist constructivism is its conservative
interest in understanding and explaining social reality instead of human
emancipation. For instance, according to Alexander Wendt, the basic tenets of
Constructivism are “(a) structures of human association are determined primarily
by shared ideas rather than material forces, and (b) the identities and interests of
purposive actors are constructed by these shared ideas rather than given by nature”.
99
Here, the intention of Wendt is only to explain the basic tenets of Constructivism Constructivism
rather than human emancipation. In other words, Wendt does not express any
interest in using his understandings of norms, identities to improve the condition
of humanity. Wendt’s constructivism, also known as Structural Constructivism,
is the modified version of the international structure proposed by Neorealism
and Neoliberalism. According to Wendt, both Neorealism and Neoliberalism see
the structure of the international system through a material lens. For Neorealists,
the structure of the international system is featured by the distribution of material
capabilities. Neoliberals see structure as capabilities and institutions. However,
Wendt treats the structure as a distribution of ideas. In addition to Wendt, Emanuel
Adler, Peter Katzenstein, John Ruggie, Thomas Risse-Kappen, Michael Barnett,
Mlada Bukovansky, Jeffrey Checkel, Martha Finnemore and Jeffrey Legro are
also considered to be the major proponents of modernist constructivism. Modernist
constructivism is also known as traditional constructivism and neoclassical
constructivism.
7.5.2 Modernist Linguistic or Rule-Oriented Constructivism
Modernist Linguistic Constructivists such as Nicholas Onuf argue that
international relations are regulated by rules and these rules are constituted by
the structures of language. Due to this reason, Modernist Linguistic Constructivists
employ ‘subjective hermeneutics’, which is a belief that objective knowledge is
impossible since the ‘reality is the creation of language’. Onuf, further argues
that the rules in international relations are statements about ‘what should do’.
‘What’ informs the actors about the ‘standard behaviour’ according to each
situation in international relations. ‘Should’ is a requirement that each actor in
international relations has to follow that standard behaviour. These rules develop
from three categories of speech acts, according to their function. They are
respectively ‘instruction-rules’, ‘directive-rules’, and ‘commitment-rules’. Speech
acts can be simply defined as a linguistic performance in the form of a command,
requests, promises, etc. Here, the communicator through speech acts influences
the audience to do something. Like speech acts, the aforementioned rules seek to
influence international relations. Instruction-rules inform about values and ideas
or concepts in international relations, the importance of respecting them and the
consequences of disregarding them. For instance, the instruction-rule, ‘to respect
state sovereignty’, means nation-states in the international system have to respect
one another’s sovereignty. Disregarding sovereignty is a bad practice because it
may lead to war. Rules in the form of directive speech act or directive-rules say
what should be done and also sets forth specific consequences of the violation of
the rule. For instance, violation of the directive-rule, ‘respect state sovereignty’,
will have provisions to punish the offenders through military intervention and
trade sanctions. Commitment-rules are the promises made by nation-states to act
in a particular way in international relations. Nation-states conclude international
treaties to protect the environment and human rights are the best example for
commitment-rule.
The scholars associated with Modernist Linguistic Constructivism other than
Nicholas Onuf are Friedrich Kratochwil, Karen Litfin, Neta Crawford, Christian
Reus-Smit, Jutta Weldes, and Ted Hopf. Modernist Linguistic Constructivists
examine how discourse and speech acts construct social reality. Like Modernist
Constructivists, Modernist Linguistic Constructivists also hold ‘conservative
cognitive interests’- an interest only in the interpretation of developments in
international relations, rather than the emancipation of humanity.
100
Approaches 7.5.3 Radical Constructivism
Radical Constructivism is highly influenced by the works of German philosophers
such as Martin Heidegger (1889 -1976), Ludwig Wittgenstein (1889—1951),
and French philosophers Michel Foucault (1926-1984) and Jacques Derrida
(1930-2004). Heidegger and Wittgenstein held that social facts are constituted
by structures of language; therefore, both of them challenged positivism and
objectivity in the study of social facts. At the same time, the focus of the
postmodernism suggested by Foucault was to expose the relations between power
and knowledge. Poststructuralism proposed by Derrida tried to deconstruct the
dominant readings of reality. Due to the influence of these philosophers, the
Radical Constructivists adopted a subjective hermeneutics to interpret social
reality, and unmask relationship between truth and power. The mainstream
theories of IR treat ‘anarchy’ as the permanent feature of international relations
and set forth measures to address this issue. However, Radical Constructivists
challenge this standpoint of mainstream theories. For instance, Richard Ashley
argues that anarchy is the result of nation-states’ reluctance to surrender their
sovereignty. By justifying anarchy, mainstream theories seek to retain the present
international system. Hence, Ashley accuses mainstream theorists of virtually
undermining the possibility of an alternative system. According to R.B.J. Walker,
the mainstream theories of IR have shrunk the scope of the discipline into a
prescription for managing national borders and Walker seeks to make IR more
inclusive by incorporating emerging issues of global importance. Walker’s Radical
Constructivism is also criticizing Realism for its pessimism. Walker argues that
theory and practice are intertwined with each other and theories set forth
prescriptions. Since Realism is pessimistic it can offer only cynicism and violent
practices. Feminist scholars such as Spike Peterson, J. Ann Tickner, Cynthia
Enloe, and Christine Sylvester also belong to the Radical Constructivism as they
question the masculine conceptualization of international relations and argue for
reforming core concepts in IR. For instance, the masculine conceptualization of
state, power, interest, and security shape the conduct of foreign policy in a
particular manner. For example, Realism narrates state with masculine
characteristics of sovereignty that emphasizes a hierarchical leader and the
capacity to wage war. According to Feminist scholars this conceptualization of
international relations shapes the practices of war and diplomacy. Therefore,
Feminist scholars seek to redefine and reform the concepts in IR. More than
understanding international relations, Radical Constructivists seek to emancipate
humankind from the oppressive forms of national and international systems.
7.5.4 Critical
Critical Constructivism combines the emancipatory mission with a pragmatist
approach and objective hermeneutics. This approach believes in the active role
of our mind in interpreting our experiences and observations and it holds that we
revise our beliefs according to our experience. It holds that theory is always
influenced by experiences and the former have to be made compatible with the
evidence. Andrew Linklater, Robert Cox, Heather Rae, and Paul Keal belong to
Critical Constructivism. Rather than explaining international relations ‘as it is’,
Critical Constructivists examining ‘how did it become that way’, and ‘how it
ought to be’. Further, the emancipatory mission drives them to move on to the
possibilities of transforming the present international order. Like Radical
Constructivists, Critical Constructivists also hold that the present international
system is not given. The present international system is the result of a historical
101
process, and this process has resulted in the inclusion and exclusion of certain Constructivism
people. Critical Constructivists like Andrew Linklater hold that an investigation
into this historical process is required for emancipating humanity. Robert Cox
also agrees with this standpoint. Heather Rae and Paul Keal are explaining how
the evolution of modern sovereign nation-state with exclusive territorial
jurisdiction is related to the exclusion of minority nonconformist identities from
the body politic.
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.
ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1) What are the different versions of constructivism?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
7.6 LET US SUM UP
Constructivism as a theory in IR argues that international relations are constructed
through social practices. This standpoint is contrary to the assumption of
mainstream theories of IR that international relations are regulated by the structure
of the international system. One of the salient features of Constructivism is that
it emphasizes the social dimension of international relations. Instead of focusing
on material factors such as military capacity and economic resources,
Constructivism examines how ideational factors such as identity, norms, language,
etc., influence the developments in international relations. However,
Constructivism is also not free from criticism. Constructivism has been the target
of its critics due to its bankruptcy in predicting the future course of international
relations. Constructivists neither set forth a pessimistic picture of international
relations depicted by Neorealists, nor does it draw a rosier picture as done by the
optimistic Neoliberals. Rather Constructivists are agnostic about the future of
international relations by submitting that the future can either be conflictual,
peaceful or in any other forms, depending on the interactions of actors. Hence,
the critics dub Constructivism as an empty vessel, which focuses only on the
social construction of international relations, and due to this reason, many IR
scholars consider Constructivism as an approach rather than a theory. Even so,
one cannot underestimate the role of Constructivism in enhancing the scope IR
by bringing ideational factors into its fold. Constructivism offers an alternative
explanation of some of the core themes in international relations such as the
meaning of international anarchy, and it also suggests the prospects for change.
7.7 REFERENCES
Adler, Emanuel (2013). ‘Constructivism in International Relations: Sources,
Contributions, and Debates’, in Handbook of International Relations, Second
Edition, London: Sage.
102
Approaches Barnett, Michael (2011). ‘Social Constructivism’, in The Globalization of World
Politics: An Introduction to International Relations, Fifth Edition, Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Fierke, K.M. (2013). ‘Constructivism’, in International Relations Theories:
Discipline and Diversity, Third Edition, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Flockhart, Trine (2012). ‘Constructivism and Foreign Policy’, in Foreign Policy:
Theories, Actors, Cases, Second Edition, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Hurd, Ian (2008). ‘Constructivism’, in The Oxford Handbook of International
Relations, Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Jackson, Robert and Georg Sorensen (2010). Introduction to International
Relations: Theories and Approaches, Fourth Edition, Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Onuf, Nicholas Greenwood (1989). World of Our Making: Rules and Rule in
Social Theory and International Relations, Columbia: University of South
Carolina Press.
Wendt, Alexander (1999). Social Theory of International Politics, Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Zehfuss, Maja (2002). Constructivism in International Relations: The Politics
of Reality, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
7.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
1) Your answer should highlight following points
Argues that international relations are a social construction
States, alliances, and international institutions are the products of human
interaction
Is a three-layered understanding of international relations involving
metaphysics, social theory, and IR theory
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
1) Your answer should highlight following points
Social construction of reality in international relations
The influence of ideational factors
The relationship between the agents and structure
The meaning and nature of international anarchy
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
1) Your answer should highlight following
Modernist constructivism
Rule oriented constructivism
Radical constructivism and
Critical constructivism

Block-3 Developments in International Relations

BLOCK 3 DEVELOPMENTS IN
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
Block 3 titled as ‘Developments in International Relations’ has four units.
Unit 8 presents to you a quick overview of the Cold War period; its phases and
eventual end in 1991. Unit 9 is about the impact of the end of Cold War on
International Relations? The power hierarchy of the Cold War era has changed.
During the period of Cold War, there were two superpowers, several great powers,
a few regional powers and mostly developing countries with limited capability.
Post-Cold War international system has varieties of powers. The US is still called
the ‘sole’ superpower; Russia is a ‘resurgent’ power, China is the ‘rising power’;
and India and others are described as ‘emerging’ powers. The post-Cold War era
also saw a steady growth in the number and strength of non-state actors taking
frontline positions in defining the relations between the states. This period saw a
steady growth of terrorism which was earlier confined to a single state or region.
This growth of terrorism, particularly Islamist terrorism challenged and narrowed
down the idea of nation–state. On the positive side, an international civil society
also emerged and was found to be active. Human rights groups, environmental
groups and those advocating other causes emerged providing alternative ideas
on development, rights, environment, etc. Unit 10 discusses the emerging powers
in IR. The countries which are in the process of increasing their economic, military
and political powers comparatively more than other states began to be described
as ‘emerging powers.’ A highly industrialized economy such as South Korea is
not an emerging power, nor an extremely wealthy Saudi Arabia. Then, who is an
emerging power? ‘Emerging powers’ are those countries which, have substantial
land mass, large educated and skilled population, vast and diversified natural
resources, substantial manufacturing base, self-sustainability in agriculture,
political stability, and sustainable policy making process and ability to undertake
responsibility in international affairs. Unit 11 discusses the concept of
globalization arguing that it has no single definition and is a multifaceted
phenomenon. However, it is observed that economic globalization has not
benefitted all the people in all the countries; which was its promise. There is also
a realization that globalization works to strengthen the capitalist economic model;
and serves primarily the interests of the rich and powerful global corporate
companies and banks. The reaction against globalization and its injustices have
given rise to anti-globalization movements and formulation of alternative models
of development

UNIT 8 ORIGINS AND PHASES OF THE Cold War
COLD WAR*
Structure
8.0 Objectives
8.1 Introduction
8.2 Meaning of the Cold War
8.3 Origins of the Cold War
8.4 Phases of the Cold War
8.4.1 Beginning and Rising Hostilities
8.4.2 Détente
8.4.3 Rebirth and End
8.5 Let Us Sum Up
8.6 References
8.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
8.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit, you will study about the origins of the Cold War which is one of the
most important developments in the 20th century international politics. After
going through this Unit, you will be able to:
Understand the meaning of the Cold War
Know the origins of the Cold War and
Identify the phases and landmarks of the Cold War
8.1 INTRODUCTION
The Cold War was more than a rivalry between two superpowers. The period of
this war, that is the years between 1945 and 1990, also contained a history of
international politics of a different kind. The Cold War period saw the evolution
of a world order where diplomacy and negotiation in their various forms were
established. It added a very different dimension to military build-up – arms race,
military blocs, proxy wars etc. The simultaneity of the existence of the United
Nations is perhaps a very important dimension to the evolution of the Cold War
as the world did not witness another world war. It is said that today’s contemporary
world is poles apart and very dynamic from what it was before 1945. How this
dynamism did come to our world? To appreciate that dynamism, this Unit brings
to you a brief summary of the significant events that unfolded in different phases
between 1945 and 1990.
* Dr. Ujjwal Rabidas, Dept. of International Studies and History, School of Law, Christ (Deemed
to be University), Bengaluru
106
Developments in International
Relations 8.2 MEANING OF THE COLD WAR
Isn’t it perplexing to say that a certain war was described as ‘Cold’? War is
always ‘hot’ fought with weapons by armies to gain some designated strategic
goals. But it being ‘Cold’ is something that calls for some thinking and
explanation. What we know is that the Cold War continued for more than four
decades between 1945 and 1990. The War touched the entire world, actually
divided several countries and also prompted them to join hands with others to
form political and military blocs. A feature of Cold War was thus bloc politics –
two blocs, led by the two super powers viz. United States of America and the
erstwhile Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR, or Soviet Union). In the
process, tens of millions of people suffered in very different ways, including
violent death, persecution and disappearance. Economic development was
disrupted and in cases denied resulting in the misery and hunger for millions of
poor people in different parts of the world. Millions suffered and hundreds of
thousands were killed in ‘communist’ and ‘anti-communist’ rebellions, uprisings,
repression, civil wars and interventions throughout Africa, Asia and Latin America
and the Caribbean besides East Europe, Balkans and other parts of the world.
Despite having these sufferings on record, interestingly, we continue to call this
45-year war as the Cold War! And interestingly, not once American and Soviet
armies fought face to face in a battlefield. All this definitely calls for little thinking
on the dimensions of its meaning. When one refers to this war as the Cold War,
the aim is to convey that it was fought under an ideological cover. The war saw
intense competition between two mutually hostile political ideologies and
worldviews. These were ‘capitalism’ and ‘socialism’. Both these terms have wide
ranging expressions of two different variants of socio-economic, political and
cultural organisations. In plain terms, therefore, capitalism stood up for liberal
democracy and free market economy whereas socialism sought to champion
state ownership, workers rights and egalitarian system. The United States provided
leadership to the capitalist world and the Soviet Union.
This intense ideological competitiveness gave rise to bloc rivalry. Bloc rivalry
was a signpost of the 45-year Cold War. When the Soviets, for example, initiated
the Molotov Plan in 1947 for its Eastern European allies to aid them and rebuild
their ailing economies, the Americans responded with the multi-billion dollar
Marshall Plan (or, the European Recovery Programme) in 1948 for the postWorld War II sick economies of the Western Europe. The Marshall Plan was in
force only for four years, the Molotov Plan remained till the last breath of the
USSR with a new name since 1949 known as the Council for Mutual Economic
Assistant (COMECON). Similarly, when the American side of the war founded
an intergovernmental military alliance, the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation
(NATO) in 1949, the Soviet side had rivaled them with signing the Treaty of
Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance (the Warsaw Pact) in 1955. These
ideological underpinnings and bloc rivalry impressed the observers of the war to
qualify it as ‘Cold’ as it did not involve direct military confrontations between
the warring camps. This has led many to characterize the Cold War as ‘nonmilitary’ conflict. More nuanced meanings, however, of the Cold War sits between
its ideological cover and the so-called non-military conflict. Some described
Cold War a collection of ‘low-intensity’ conflicts. Of course, the two sides fought
several ‘proxy’ wars in Africa, Asia and Latin America – which was yet another
feature of the Cold War.
107
Origins and Phases of the
Cold War Check Your Progress Exercise 1
Note: i) Use the space below for your answer.
ii) Check your answer with the model answer given at the end of this
unit.
1) What do you understand by Cold War?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
8.3 ORIGINS OF THE COLD WAR
There are two main explanations for the origin of the Cold War. These two can
simply be termed as (i) geopolitical and (ii) ideological.
A) Geopolitical Explanation: Some historians trace the origins of the Cold
War to the Soviet socialist revolution of 1917 and the European military
intervention in Russia in 1918 to scuttle the first socialist state in the world.
Other scholars see the origins of the Cold War to the military pacts and their
violations between the European great powers immediately prior to and in
the course of the Second World War. But the Cold War is widely believed to
have begun in 1945; this was the time when the Soviets and the Americans
had started seeing themselves as two most powerful nations in the West.
This perception was at the core that also nurtured the expansionist aspirations
that were believed as incompatible among the Soviets and the Americans in
terms of their own power and capability. The view that understands the
Cold War from the angle of power, capability, expansionist aspirations etc
is called the ‘geopolitical explanation’ to the origin of the Cold War. This is
also a post-World War II view to the origin of the Cold War. It assumes that
at the end of the war in 1945, the United States and the Soviet Union were
the only two superpowers along with important powers like the United
Kingdom and France – which had militarily weakened. It is said that though
the Americans and the Soviets had allied in the World War II to defeat the
Axis Powers, there was lack of trust between the two. Moreover, both were
aspiring to achieve dominance in Europe and their aspirations were matched
by their power and capability.
B) Ideological Explanation: The ‘geopolitical explanation’, however, does
not tell the reasons for the lack of trust between the United States and the
Soviet Union. This gap is filled by the ‘ideological explanation’ that goes
back to the Russian Bolshevik Revolution of 1917. The Bolshevik
Revolution was inspired by communism – the ideology espoused by the
19th century philosopher, Karl Marx. Success of a workers’ revolution in
Russia under the leadership of the Vladimir Lenin was looked at with
suspicion and hostility by the capitalist classes in Europe and the US.
Foremost, the success of the socialist revolution sent a powerful and
historically important message to the workers, peasantry and all other
108
Developments in International
Relations exploited classes and subjugated and colonized people. The message was:
it is possible to overthrow capitalism and its attendant colonialism and
imperialism and liberate the exploited and oppressed classes and people.
Soviet revolution greatly inspired people in the colonies including in India;
many began talking of liberating their nations from the colonial rule and
establish an egalitarian socialist order. Likewise, Soviet revolution
galvanized the workers in Europe especially in Germany, Britain, France
and Italy where the communist and socialist parties became politically active
and radical in anticipation of a workers revolution. Communist and socialist
parties were formed in the 1920s in several Latin America countries, and in
the European colonies in Asia and Africa; for instance, Communist Party of
India was formed in 1925 to organize the peasantry and the working class.
The imperial powers of Europe and the US looked at this with great hostility.
Secondly, the Soviet Revolution offered a different paradigm of looking at
international system and building a new international system that would be
based on the solidarity and cooperation among liberated peoples of the world.
Russia was part of the Allied forces during the First World War but withdrew
from the War after the Revolution and abandoned all secret military pacts
and understandings for territorial expansion which it had signed with Britain
and other European powers. Promoting new norms of IR was not acceptable
to great powers which were used to war, military alliances, spheres of
influence and overseas colonies. As Soviet Union withdrew from the First
World War, European imperial powers requested the US to military intervene
in Russia. Russian revolution had aroused great enthusiasm and hope among
colonial people. This was dangerous and unacceptable for colonial masters.
American expeditionary forces and those of other Allied countries thus
intervened in Soviet Union in 1918; the intervention lasted several years.
An ideological justification was given for this Allied military intervention.
It was said that the Bolshevik Revolution was antagonistic to the “values of
freedom” that the Americans claimed their own and that the Russian
Revolution was a danger to freedom and democracy everywhere. Socialism
was dubbed as totalitarianism which negated democracy and human rights.
The ideological antagonism and political hostility remained with the post1945 superpowers and contributed to widen the lack of trust between the
two. The 1946 ‘iron curtain’ speech of former British Prime Minister Winston
Churchill and the Americans dropping the atom bomb on Japan increased
the ideological rivalry between the two superpowers. The origin of the Cold
War was pre-1945 in the ideological sense and thus its vestiges are thought
to remain in the post-1990 world. Speaking in the US, and joined in by the
American President Harry Truman, Churchill declared: “From Stettin in
the Baltic to Trieste in the Adriatic, an iron curtain has descended across the
continent.” Churchill’s ‘iron curtain’ speech is considered one of the opening
shots in the Cold War. Churchill also spoke of “communist fifth columns”
that, he said, were operating throughout western and southern Europe. He
talked of the threat of communism to the European colonies in Asia and
Africa which were fighting for their freedom and emancipation. Finally,
Churchill asked the US to lead the free world against the threat posed by
communism to the world. The die was cast. US, led the West, determined
for half a century to ‘contain’ and ‘roll-back’ communism from the entire
world; and this determination became the essence of Cold War-related
interventions and wars.
109
Origins and Phases of the
Cold War Check Your Progress Exercise 2
Note: i) Use the space below for your answer.
ii) Check your answer with the model answer given at the end of this
unit.
1) What is the ideological explanation for the origin of the Cold War?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
8.4 PHASES OF THE COLD WAR
It is difficult to neatly identify the phases of the Cold War, though the war had
rising and falling tides of conflict. Yet a period of relaxation of the tensions
between the warring blocs is generally perceived and that allows seeing the Cold
War having phases with rising or declining tensions until it ends in the late 1980s.
We can study the Cold War in the following three phases.
8.4.1 Beginning and Rising Hostilities
The conferences that were held in Crimea’s Yalta and in German city of Potsdam
in 1945 could not provide an effective framework to deal with the post-war
situations that had developed in Germany and in Eastern European states that
were occupied by German forces. Germany was divided into four occupation
zones each under control of Britain, France, the Soviet Union and the United
States. These four powers were main participants in the Yalta and Potsdam
conferences. The United States, on the other hand, had detonated a nuclear device
without the knowledge of its war allies, particularly the Soviet Union, and had
dropped two of them on Japan in 1945. It was an unprecedented display of the
American power that led to its recognition as a “superpower” and decreased its
trustworthiness in the eyes of the Soviets. Meanwhile, the US economy was
expanding very fast and had overtaken the combined economic strength of all
the war-affected European states. The rate of industrialisation of the post-1917
Soviet economy too was impressive. The weight of the American and Soviet
military and economic strengths were now being decisively felt in the Western
and East European countries respectively. Each of the superpowers eventually
provided leadership to the blocs that emerged on geopolitical and ideological
grounds. The United Nations Security Council (1945) further provided a worldstage to these powers to take on each other and play the card of the Cold War.
The American President Harry Truman enunciated the so-called “Truman
Doctrine” in 1947. It was an American strategy to ‘contain communism’. It
denounced the communist system as oppressive and warned against its possible
subversive campaigns. Truman’s words were signaling the American intention
to resist the spread of communist system anywhere in the world and that was
exactly what happened in the following years and decades.
110
Developments in International
Relations Truman Doctrine
In 1947, President Harry S. Truman unveiled his foreign policy in a joint
address to the US Congress. He announced that the United States would
provide political, military and economic assistance to all democratic nations
facing external or internal communist threats. In a first, Truman
administration provided US $400 million worth of aid and send American
civilian and military personnel and equipment to support the governments
of Greece and Turkey which were then facing large scale communist
insurgency. Truman administration held Soviet Union responsible for the
insurgency and was of the view that the entire Middle East has become
vulnerable to communist influence because of the Soviet machinations. This
could not be allowed in light of the region’s immense strategic importance
to US national security. Truman stated that the United States was compelled
to assist “free peoples” in their struggles against “totalitarian regimes”. He
said that the spread of communist authoritarianism would “undermine the
foundations of international peace and hence the security of the United
States.” In the words of the Truman Doctrine, it became “the policy of the
United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation
by armed minorities or by outside pressures.” Truman did not touch upon
the freedom struggles going on in various colonies in Africa, Asia and other
parts of the world.
Truman argued that the United States could no longer stand by and allow the
forcible expansion of Soviet “totalitarianism” into free, independent nations
because American national security now depended upon more than just the
physical security of American territory. The foreign policy announcement
thus marked a major break from the past. It allowed US to undertake massive
international military and economic commitments during peacetime. The
Truman Doctrine committed the United States to actively offer assistance to
preserve the political integrity of democratic nations when such an offer was
deemed to be in the best interest of the United States. Truman Doctrine thus
set the stage for US interventions – direct and indirect, covert and overt,
economic and military – in the internal affairs of even faraway countries. It
involved regime change, political destabilization and influencing the electoral
outcomes and economic development strategies of the Third World countries,
ostensibly to protect and promote ‘freedom’ and ‘democracy’. In the end,
US ended up supporting many anti-communist dictators and authoritarian
rulers in the Third World, who crushed democracy and denied freedom to
their people. Truman Doctrine was a major reorientation in American foreign
policy whereby US set itself up as the global policeman in the name of defence
of democracy and freedom. Key components of his foreign policy were
building up military alliances, bilateral military defence treaties, establishment
of military bases and facilities in other countries, economic and technical
aid and assistance to allies – democratic and dictatorial both.
When the Soviet Union’s Molotov Plan came into light in 1947, the United States
rivalled it with the Marshall Plan in 1948. Marshall Plan was a product of the
Truman Doctrine. As stated before, Soviet’s Molotov Plan had aimed at its Eastern
European allies. Their economies were ailing and thus required reconstruction.
America’s multi-billion Marshall Plan, on the other side, had a similar scheme
for the post-war sick economies of the West European states. But ultimately,
both these plans were the superpower strategies to contain each other and influence
111
Origins and Phases of the
Cold War their own areas of ascendancy. These fish trap-like plans had left no trace of
ambiguity of the breakout of geopolitical and ideological bloc rivalry that later
on came to be known as the Cold War. When the Soviet Union acquired nuclear
capability in 1949, America had invited its European allies the same year and
founded an intergovernmental military alliance, the North Atlantic Treaty
Organisation (NATO). The birth of NATO invited similar military response from
the other bloc. The Soviet response was signing of the Treaty of Friendship,
Cooperation and Mutual Assistance (the Warsa Pact) in 1955 with its East
European allies. Meanwhile, the Chinese communist revolution was complete
in 1949, and a violent civil war had started in Korea around 1950. By this time,
Korea was already divided into two separate zones (North and South) because
the Japanese soldiers had surrendered to the Soviets in the North and to the
Americans in the South during the Second World War. These developments had
brought the bloc rivalry to Asia with high intensity of conflict and human suffering.
The worst was yet to come with what is popularly known as the Cuban Missile
Crisis. Cuba had seen a successful revolution in 1959. Among the things that
followed the revolution were i) huge loss to the American private investors whose
money was oiling the Cuban sugar industry; ii) America’s failed invasion at Bay
of Pigs, Cuba; iii) Fidel Castro declaring the Cuban Revolution as socialist and
Cuba as a Soviet ally to secure Soviet military support against the United States;
and iv) reversal of Cuban sugar exports from the American market to the Soviet
market. These developments provided great opportunity for the Soviet Union to
increase its strategic weight against the United States and thus installed nuclear
missiles in Cuba for the latter’s security. This Caribbean island, Cuba, is located
barely 90 miles from the United States. The then American President Kennedy
said that he would take whatever steps were necessary to protect American security
and he ordered blockade of Cuba and demanded removal of the nuclear missiles.
The two superpowers and the world had moved close to a nuclear war.
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
Note: i) Use the space below for your answer.
ii) Check your answer with the model answer given at the end of this
unit.
1) Discuss the Truman Doctrine.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
8.4.2 Détente
Diplomatic conscience, however, prevailed over the Cuban Missile Crisis and
the crisis had ended with removal of Soviet missiles from Cuba and America
promising not to invade the island nation. This peaceful end of the Cuban Missile
Crisis probably made the world to realise the potential cost of bipolar military
hostilities, and thus began a phase in the Cold War known as “détente”. According
to the Oxford Dictionary of Politics, détente refers to the periods of reduced
tension in relations between the United States and the Soviet Union and was closely associated with the process of arms control. The main period of détente
ran from the Partial Treat Ban Treaty (PTBT) in 1963 to the late 1970s. The
Cuban Crisis hastened the PTBT agreement that was being negotiated since 1955.
It was signed by Britain, the United States and the Soviet Union and agreed to
limit the nuclear armaments to a bare minimum. PTBT had banned nuclear tests
in the atmosphere, on the ground and under water. It, however, did not ban the
underground testing. Talks to ban the underground testing could succeed only in
1996 under the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty (CTBT). But these powers had
agreed to ban nuclear testing in the space in 1967 and also the entire Latin
American region was declared nuclear weapons free zone under the Treaty of
Tlatelolco. Britain, the United States and the Soviet Union again signed a Nuclear
Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) in 1968 and promised not to transfer such
weapons to others.
Other developments that had helped relax the Cold War hostility were (i)
establishment of a hotline link between the leaders of Washington and Moscow;
(ii) the two German states viz. Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) and the
German Democratic Republic (GDR) were recognised by the superpowers and
each was given membership of the United Nations; (iii) West Germany i.e. the
FRG normalized relations with East European states and the Soviet Union; (iv)
America and the Soviet Union signed the first Strategic Arms Limitation Talks
(SALT) agreement in 1972; and (v) the famous Helsinki Summit was held in
1975; and it was regarded as having buried the Cold War and symbolized the
culmination of détente in Europe. A brief description of the Helsinki summit
and its various declarations helped the spirit of détente that characterized the
decade of 1970s for a shortwhile.
Helsinki Accords: The Helsinki declaration was an act to revive the sagging
spirit of detente between the Soviet Union and the United States and its allies. In
1975, the United States, Soviet Union, all members of NATO and the Warsaw
pact signed the Helsinki Final Act during the meeting of the Conference on
Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), held in Helsinki, Finland. Détente,
literally a lessening of tension between the two super powers, was the policy
fashioned out by US President Richard Nixon and his Secretary of State Henry
Kissinger. As noted, there were significant gains under détente as several
confidence building measures (CBMs) and arms reduction agreements were
signed by the two Cold War adversaries. Important among other developments
was the Nixon’s historic visit to Moscow also. By mid-1975, the spirit of détente
was apparently low. Nixon had resigned as America’s president and US had
withdrawn from Vietnam resulting in the victory of the communist North over
South Vietnam. Progress on arms reduction talks with the Soviets had come to a
standstill. In July 1975, the Soviet Union and the United States attempted to
reinvigorate the policy of detente by calling the CSCE in Helsinki. On August 1,
the attendees signed the Helsinki Final Act. The act established the CSCE as an
ongoing consultative organization, and set out a number of issues for future
discussion. These included economic and trade issues, arms reduction, and the
protection of human rights.The Helsinki Accords are a series of formal but nonbinding agreements that were signed in August 1975. The Helsinki Accords dealt
with three main issues of cooperation, security and human rights. Under the
Helsinki Accords the nations of the East and West agreed to forge cultural links
aimed at bringing the USA and the USSR closer together. It was agreed that the
parties would recognize the borders of Eastern Europe that were established at
the end of Second World War and in return the USSR promised to uphold basic
113
Origins and Phases of the
Cold War human rights that included allowing people in the Eastern Bloc the right to move
across borders. In brief, Helsinki Accords were an attempt to improve diplomatic
and political relations between the two antagonistic blocs. The participating
states reaffirmed their commitment to peace, security and justice and the
continuing development of friendly relations and co-operation.
The 35 countries who signed the Helsinki Agreement agreed to the following
principles: (i) sovereign equality and respect for the rights inherent in sovereignty;
(ii) refraining from the threat or use of force; (iii) inviolability of frontiers; (iv)
territorial integrity of states; (v) peaceful settlement of disputes; (vi) nonintervention in internal affairs; (vii) respect for human rights and fundamental
freedoms, including the freedom of thought, conscience, religion or belief; (viii)
equal rights and self-determination of peoples; (ix) cooperation among states;
(x) and fulfillment in good faith of obligations under international law. Helsinki
Accords was viewed as a significant step towards reducing Cold War tensions.
But the Helsinki spirit was weak and the revival of détente proved short lived.
US President Gerald Ford criticized Soviet Union for its domestic human rights
violations and crushing of dissidence. Soviets called the American criticism as
interference in its domestic affairs. US President Jimmy Carter had made human
rights the cornerstone of his foreign policy and attacked the Soviet Union for
curbing the dissidents; this further added to the erosion of détente and the Helsinki
spirit. The famous Soviet dissident Alexander Solzhenitsyn denounced the
Accords as “the betrayal of Eastern Europe”. By mid-1978, the CSCE had ceased
to function in any important sense. US President Ronald Reagan (1980-88)
considered détente and Helsinki as appeasement and decided to confront the
Soviet Union directly. Reagan ‘revived’ the Cold War and engaged the Soviet
Union in Afghanistan by training and arming the Afghan and foreign fighters –
the Mujahideen. Reagan described Helsinki Accords as having given “the
American seal of approval for the Soviet empire in Eastern Europe.” Détente
came to an end and the Helsinki spirit died with the revival of Cold War by
Reagan administration. CSCE was revived by Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev
only in the 1980s, and served as a foundation for his policy of closer and friendlier
relations with the United States.
Check Your Progress Exercise 4
Note: i) Use the space below for your answer.
ii) Check your answer with the model answer given at the end of this
unit.
1) What do you understand by detente?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
8.4.3 Rebirth and End
Détente was in effect for around one and a half decades. Many had thus believed
that the Cold War had ceased to exist. But that belief was defied when a communist
regime came to power in Afghanistan and the country soon plunged into civil
114
Developments in International
Relations war with deep involvement of the United States and the Soviet Union rivaling
each other in the land of this South Asian nation. Afghanistan had a monarchy
which was abolished by Mohammed Daud Khan in 1973 and he himself became
the President of the newly founded Republic. Daud saw a possible threat from
its neighour Pakistan. Pakistan was continuously receiving military assistance
from the United States, and therefore Afghanistan sought weapons from the Soviet
Union to balance Pakistan. The Soviet weapons did arrive in Afghanistan and it
was interpreted as strengthening Daud’s hand and also the Afghan communists
who had helped Daud ascending the presidential office in Kabul. The situation
soon went out of control when Daud was ousted in 1978 and his supporters were
sent in exile. Riots broke out in Afghanistan with worsening economic condition.
Meanwhile, the American ambassador was killed in a riot-like situation. The
following year, Hafizullah Amin became President of Afghanistan who, though
a veteran Communist, was not liked by the Soviets. Thus, over 90,000 Soviets
troops entered Afghanistan in 1979 as they had thought that this country may
swing to the American side under Amin. With Soviet support, Babrak Karmal
was made President after Amin’s execution. This new regime in Afghanistan
was opposed by a section of Afghan population who had seen onslaught on their
religious rights as the government was encouraging secular practices in daily
life. This was termed as “anti-Islamic” and promotion of “Western culture” in
Afghanistan.
These developments in Afghanistan was termed by the United States as deliberate
acts of the Soviet Union to promote communist ideology, and that let to reemergence or revival of the Cold War in a significant way. The United States
responded to these developments with its proxies in Afghanistan – the mujahedeen
groups who launched a war on the communist regime of Babrak Karmal and the
Soviet troops there. Soviet Union suffered heavy military losses at the hands of
the US-armed mujahideen groups. Besides, by late 1980s, Soviet Union had
begun unraveling under the pressure of prestroika and glasnost reforms of Mikhail
Gorbachev. Soviet troops began withdrawing from Afghanistan in mid 1988 and
finally left the country on 15 February 1989 without victory under the framework
worked out between US, USSR, and the governments of Afghanistan and Pakistan.
The other developments that were seen adding to the rebirth of the Cold War
were: i) imposition of martial law in Poland by the Soviets in 1981 to quell “prodemocracy protests” and its American opposition; ii) the Soviet Union shooting
down a South Korean “spy” airliner in 1983 and thus breaking off the SovietAmerican arms talks; and iii) American invasion of Grenada, a Caribbean country,
in 1983 among others.
This geopolitical and ideological battle, however, was ended by the late 1980s.
Once the Soviets had pulled out troops from Afghanistan, the bipolar tension
reduced. The Americans and the Soviets agreed to dismantle a whole category of
nuclear weapons in 1987. They reached an agreement to that effect. It was called
the Intermediate Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty. News of positive
developments in favour of easing the tensions started coming from Cuba, Vietnam,
Cambodia, Angola etc. while Germany was united. But it was widely believed
that the policies pursued by the Soviet leadership of that time were primarily
responsible for the end of the Cold War. The essence of those policies pursued
by the Soviet Union was understood by the two highlighted terms of perestroika
and glasnost. The meaning of perestroika was understood as economic
“restructuring” in the sense of removing economic bottlenecks, inefficiency and
115
Origins and Phases of the
Cold War raising production and productivity. Glasnost (opening) called for some minimal
political liberalization in the Soviet political system. It called for openness in
public policy-making and scrutiny. But the fact of the matter was that both the
policies of perestroika and glasnost could not help the Soviets much, and the
Soviet Union had ceased to exist in 1991.
End of Cold War: When Mikhail Gorbachev came to power, relations between
Soviet Union and US began to improve. Gorbachev initiated glasnost and
perestroika to provide some small political ‘opening’ (glasnost) at home and to
bolster the faltering economy (perestroika). Cold War began winding down. At
a summit in Reykjavik, Iceland, in October 1986, Gorbachev proposed Reagan a
50 per cent reduction in the nuclear arsenals of each side. Nothing came out of
it; as Reagan was interested in building his ‘star war’ programme. However, on
December 8, 1987, the Intermediate Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty was signed in
Washington, eliminating an entire class of nuclear weapons. The INF Treaty was
the first arms control pact to require an actual reduction in nuclear arsenals rather
than merely restricting their proliferation.As the decade came to an end, much of
the Eastern Bloc began to fall apart. Country after country walked back on
communism; and the Soviet Union did nothing in response. The so-called ‘iron
curtain’ was finally crumbling. On November 10, 1989, German people divided
for decades physically tore down the Berlin Wall – one of the most famous symbols
of the Cold War. Before the 1989 would end, leaders of every Eastern European
nation except Bulgaria had been ousted by popular uprisings. By late 1991, Soviet
Union itself dissolved into its component republics under a mix of factors –
economic pressure, war in Afghanistan and breaking away of its East European
allies. In a sense, Soviet socialist experiment crumbled under its own weight. It
was the defeat of socialism at the political, if not the ideological level, but did it
mark the triumph of capitalism and liberal democracy?
US emerged as the sole super power and took great credit for ending the Cold
War. Triumphalism prevailed in US – a sense in American destiny and its
infallibility. Francis Fukuyama declared the end of Cold War as the ‘end of
history’. Human societies will no further evolve in economic and political terms.
Free market capitalism and liberal democracy were seen as the final forms of
economic and political systems to live in. Bipolarity ended and the US became
the sole superpower in the international relations.
8.5 LET US SUM UP
War is a violent incident. Yet the Cold War, fought between the blocs led by the
United States and the Soviet Union between 1945 and 1990 was called the Cold
War because of its dimensions that included ideological cover, bloc rivalry, nonmilitary confrontation, arms race, space race etc. The two sides fought many
‘proxy’ wars in different parts of the world through their allied regimes and
political groups. Calling the Cold War a collection of “low-intensity” conflicts
seems to come closer to its real nature. Prevalence of those conflicts and their
origin over a period of time are best explained from geopolitical and ideological
viewpoints. There are three main identifiable phases of the Cold War. The period
from 1945 to 1962 saw its beginning and then increasing hostilities. Thereafter,
the Cuban Missile Crisis brought relaxation in the bipolar tensions. This relaxation
was called détente and lasted from 1962 to mid-1970s. Defying the belief that
the Cold War had ended, it was reawakened in late 1970s when the Soviet troops
116
Developments in International
Relations entered Afghanistan in support of a communist regime and the Americans had
responded to it in a manner proverbial to the pre-détente rivalry. Reagan revived
arms race as he sought to spend on Strategic Defence Initiative – the so-called
‘star war’ programme. The Cold War, however, ended in 1989 when the Soviets
had pulled out their troops from Afghanistan and positive news started coming
also from other parts of the world. The Soviet Union’s policies of perestroika
and glasnost were believed to be in the centre of changes in late 1980s. In no
time the Soviet Union had disintegrated and the Cold War was declared dead.
8.6 REFERENCES
Baylis, John et al. (eds.). (2015). The Globalisation of World Politics. New Delhi,
OUP.
Davis, Simon and Joseph Smith. (2015). The A to Z of the Cold War. New York:
Scarecrow.
Friedman, Norman. (2007). The Fifty-Year War: Conflict and Strategy in the
Cold War. New York: U.S. Naval Institute Press.
Gaddis, John Lewis. (1997). We Now Know: Rethinking Cold War History.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Gaddis, John Lewis. (2005). The Cold War: A New History. New Delhi: Penguin
Press.
Halliday, Fred.(2001). Cold War. The Oxford Companion to the Politics of the
World.Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Immerman, Richard H. and Petra Goedde. (eds.) (2013). The Oxford Handbook
of the Cold War. Oxford: OUP.
LaFeber, Walter (1993). America, Russia, and the Cold War, 1945–1992.McGrawHill.
Leffler, Melvyn P. and Odd Arne Westad. (eds.) (2016). The Cambridge History
of the Cold War (3 vol.) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
McMahon, Robert. (2003). The Cold War: A Very Short Introduction. (Oxford:
Oxford University Press.
Service, Robert. (2018). The End of the Cold War: 1985–1991. London:
Macmillan.
Sorensen, G. and Robert H. Jackson.(2016). Introduction to International
Relations. New Delhi, OUP.
Tucker, Spencer. (ed.) (2008). Encyclopedia of the Cold War: A Political, Social,
and Military History (5 vol.), California: ABC CLIO Corporate.
Walker, Martin. (1995). The Cold War: A History, British perspective. New York:
Henry Holt.
Westad, Odd Arne. (2017). The Cold War: A World History. New York: Basic
Books.
117
Origins and Phases of the 8.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS Cold War
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
1) Your answer should highlight following points
Cold War was not a war in real sense
It was fought under an ideological cover
The United States provided leadership to the capitalist world and the
Soviet Union represented the socialist political cause
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
1) Your answer should highlight following points
Ideological reason of origin of Cold War goes back to the Russian
Bolshevik Revolution of 1917
The Bolshevik Revolution was inspired by communism
Success of a workers’ revolution in Russia under the leadership of the
Vladimir Lenin was looked at with suspicion and hostility by the
capitalist classes in Europe and the US
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
1) Your answer should highlight following points
In 1947, US President Harry S. Truman announced that the United
States would provide political, military and economic assistance to all
democratic nations facing external or internal communist threats
US set itself up as the global policeman in the name of defence of
democracy and freedom
Key components were building up military alliances, bilateral military
defence treaties, establishment of military bases and facilities in other
countries, economic and technical aid and assistance to allies –
democratic and dictatorial both
Check Your Progress Exercise 4
1) Your answer should highlight following points
Peaceful end of the Cuban Missile Crisis probably made the world to
realise the potential cost of bipolar military hostilities
New phase in the Cold War was used, known as détente
Refers to the period of reduced tension in relations between the United
States and the Soviet Union and was closely associated with the process
of arms control
The main period of détente ran from the Partial Treat Ban Treaty (PTBT)
in 1963 to the late 1970s
118
Developments in International
Relations UNIT 9 END OF THE COLD WAR AND ITS
IMPACT ON INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS*
Structure
9.0 Objectives
9.1 Introduction
9.2 End of Cold War and International Relations in the Post-Cold War Era
9.2.1 Dissolution of USSR
9.2.2 Fall of Berlin Wall and Unification of Germany
9.2.3 Deepening of Economic Interdependence
9.3 Characteristics of Post-Cold War Era
9.4 Important Issues in the Post-Cold War International Relations
9.4.1 Ethnicity and Conflict
9.4.2 Rise of Islamic Fundamentalism and Terrorism
9.4.3 Hegemonic Attitude of United States
9.4.4 Sustainable Development
9.4.5 Migration and Human Rights Issues
9.5 New Perspectives on International Cooperation
9.5.1 Multilateralism
9.5.2 Revitalised Approach towards International Organisations
9.5.3 Commercial Considerations in Drivers Seat
9.6 Let Us Sum mp
9.7 References
9.8 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
9.0 OBJECTIVES
This Unit would enable you to read the post-Cold War developments at the
international level. After reading this unit, you should be able to know:
The major events that led to the end of Cold War
Characteristics of Post Cold War era
Important issues in the post-Cold War international relations and
New perspectives on international cooperation
9.1 INTRODUCTION
The end of Cold War resulted in several changes in the International Relations.
The concept of bipolar system, which brought the world to fall under the influence
of two powerful blocs, was the first victim. It also followed by weakening of the
Non-Aligned Movement (NAM). The fall of Berlin Wall in 1989 marked the
beginning of the end of Cold War. Soon after that USSR was dismantled in 1991,
* Dr. Om Prasad Gadde, Dept. of Political Science, School of Social Sciences & Humanities,
Sikkim University
119
End of the Cold War and its
Impact on IR marking a new era in the history of international relations. The collapse of the
USSR led to the death of Warsaw Pact. Many countries took birth in the Baltic,
Eastern Europe and Central Asian regions either through civil war or peaceful
means. All these events resulted in emergence of the US as the sole super power;
and the world became a unipolar system for a while in the 1990s. The international
relations in the post-Cold War period have taken a new shape, order and spirit.
New actors have emerged, new priorities are identified and new world order has
begun. Multiple changes have happened at economic and political fronts at
multiple levels – from global to local. Trade and economic issues gained
prominence in international relations. The post-Cold War period witnessed the
birth of a new economic order and international relations were revitalised into
international economic relations. In 1995 World Trade Organisation (WTO) was
formed to provide institutional support to these economic relations. The purpose
of the WTO was to promote a rule-based free trade system. Trade and commerce
took the front seat in forging the relations between nations. The concepts of
economic development, regional cooperation, trade corridors were prioritised
and new alliances based on these concepts were formed. Some other issues also
gained prominence. The ideas of sustainable development, environmental
protection, protection of human rights, addressing the issues related to intra- and
inter-regional migration became global objectives. At the same time new actors
like terrorist organizations, multinational corporations, non-governmental
organisations, global social movements, alliances, freedom movements emerged
as important players in international relations. In the contemporary times, a New
Cold War is emerging between the US and China over issues of trade and security.
At the same time, the Coronavirus pandemic has exposed fissures in the
international politics and human security issues like health would now be given
top priprity by governments around the world.
9.2 END OF COLD WAR AND INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS IN THE POST COLD WAR ERA
The international developments in the post-Cold War era can be understood
broadly by taking a close look at the events that led to the end of the Cold War.
9.2.1 Dissolution of USSR
The events that led to the dissolution of USSR were at two levels – domestic and
external. By 1980s, because of the policies followed during the earlier decades,
the USSR faced economic stagnation. There was severe shortfall in supplies visa-vis demand in consumer goods and agricultural production. State could not
supply adequately to the growing demand from various sectors. Mikhail
Gorbachev became Secretary General of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union
(CPSU) in 1985. Soon thereafter he initiated a ‘new thinking’ which realised
that economic power had supplanted military power as the most important aspect
of security. He repudiated ‘Brezhnev doctrine’ of assertion of the Soviet Union’s
right to intervene to protect Socialist governments wherever they might be
threatened. Both these policies of the past had resulted in greater economic costs.
Cold War perception and policies of Soviet Union had emphasised more on high
military spending so as to be at par with United States and its Western allies.
About 40 to 50 per cent of its GDP was spent on defence of the nation and its
allies. Soviet intervention in Afghanistan resulted in a bad experience; it was
120
Developments in International
Relations costly and demoralizing. Gorbachev’s policies were to rethink on the Afghan
imbroglio. He initiated ‘restructuring’ of the economy; the process was called
Perestroika. Policy of Perestroika re-examined the spending on military and
other security agencies; and age-old system of material and military support and
subsidies to Soviet allies. The ‘restructuring’ of economy however needed
technological flow and credits from the West in order to overcome the structural
weaknesses and backwardness. Attracting Western capital and technology did
not prove easy. The structural economic weaknesses and loopholes in the overall
policy framework, amidst communist paradigm, resulted in its failure, which
Gorbachev attributed to the bureaucratic rigidities. He called for an open
discussion or Glasnost (‘opening’). Glasnost was meant to give some political
‘opening’ to the Soviet citizens – freedom of expression including right to critize
and form political associations. This resulted in the birth of autonomous
organisations in the Soviet society, which started denouncing the military and
economic failures of the Union and even Communist rule itself. By 1989 Glasnost
spread across the Eastern Europe and Central Asian regions, with widespread
demonstrations calling for more freedom. The Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia,
and Lithuania declared independence. Gorbachev refused to provide military
support to the communist governments in these countries to control these
agitations. Democratic and freedom aspirations among the constituent socialist
republics of the Soveit Union itself finally resulted in dissolution of the USSR in
1991.
9.2.2 Fall of Berlin Wall and Unification of Germany
Another significant event that marked end of the Cold war was the fall of Berlin
Wall in 1989, which had divided the East and the West Germany physically and
ideologically since 1961. The West Germany, also known as Federal Republic
of Germany, was part of the Western alliance system, while East Germany
(German Democratic Republic) was a member of the Soviet bloc. The division
of Germany into these two parts was on the lines of ideology, which represented
the Cold War between Capitalist and Communist blocs. The impact of Glasnost
soon spread across Eastern Europe, Baltic region and more especially to Eastern
Germany. In a speech at the Brandenburg Gate in Berlin on 12 June 1987, US
President Ronald Reagan called Gorbachev, to “tear down the Wall”. Several
political and economic structural changes occurred in the aftermath. Communist
parties were defeated in the elections in Poland in 1989; and political and economic
reforms took place in Hungary which opened its borders with neighbouring
Austria. These developments became catalysts for the changes in East Germany.
The growing civilian unrest in East Germany pressurised the government to loosen
some of its regulations on people on travel to West Germany. The events which
followed later allowed thousands of Germans on both sides of the wall to gather
together to dismantle the Berlin Wall; and the unification of Germany followed.
Within the weeks of fall of the Wall, there was a peaceful transition to democratic
government in Czechoslovakia; and a violent change of régime in Romania and
Bulgaria. The fall of USSR in 1991 resulted in formation of about 15 independent
countries: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Estonia, Georgia, Kazakhstan,
Kyrgyzstan, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Russia, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan,
Ukraine and Uzbekistan. The bitter ethnic conflicts dissolved former Socialist
Federal Republic of Yugoslavia into independent countries like Croatia, Slovenia,
Macedonia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Montenegro. Post-Cold War
period also witnessed emergence of several other countries in other parts of the
121
End of the Cold War and its
Impact on IR world, though under different circumstances. In 1990 Namibia became
independent of South Africa. Previously, Namibia was known as South West
Africa when it was a German territory. The year 1990 also saw the unification of
North and South Yemens into Republic of Yemen. In 1993, Czechoslovakia was
dissolved to become the Czech Republic and Slovakia as independent nations.
Eritrea gained independence from Ethiopia after a 30 year war. In 2002 East
Timor became independent from Indonesia. Kosovo unilaterally declared
independence from Serbia in 2008; and in 2011 South Sudan peacefully seceded
from Sudan following a referendum.
The arrival of these new states onto the world map created some sort of political
and economic interest and speculation among the countries and regions. With
their inclusion, the membership of the UN increased. These new nations brought
new issues for discussion and resolution to the UN agenda. Breakup of the
Socialist bloc and birth of so many new nations led to increased demand for aid
and investments from multilateral financial institutions importantly the IMF and
the World Bank. Geopolitical implications proved for far-reaching importance.
The resource-rich Central Asian region emerged as an important strategic region,
in a multipolar world context, in terms of global military and energy security.
Experts on geopolitics began talking of the ‘new great game’. Because of its
geo-strategic location at the crossroad of Russia, China, West Asia and Europe,
and its hydrocarbon and other mineral resources, Central Asian region saw the
birth of an intense rivalry for influence among important global and regional
powers, namely, the United States, Russia, China, Turkey, Iran, India and Pakistan.
This is often referred to as the “New Great Game”. Lack of an outlet to the sea
makes these states vulnerable to pressure from their neighbours, especially Russia,
through which most of the existing trade and transit routes and oil pipelines
pass. Search for alternate transit routes to minimise their dependence on Russia
induces them to look towards their other neighbours. And the desire to reduce
the influence of these neighbours, apart from the need of an economic and
technological assistance, persuades these states to welcome the US and other
Western powers. Technology is impacting Central Asian geopolitics. The Central
Asian region is at the heart of China’s ‘Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) – a
mammoth project to build infrastructure linking China with Europe. This ‘new
great game’ is the revival of the ‘old great game’ played out between Czarist
Russia imperial Britain. In 1904, British geopolitical scholar Halford John
Mackinder had proposed his ‘Heartland’ theory, arguing that whosoever controls
the ‘heartland’ viz. Eurasian landmass has the potential to “command the world”.
The dissolution of USSR and collapse of communist regimes in Eastern Europe
also marked an uprising in democratic political environment across the world
especially in the newly formed states. The ideals like democracy and freedom
were emphasised in every aspect of life. Similarly in non-democratic regimes,
aspirations of democratic political governance were steadily increasing. Most of
the newly formed countries were under-developed and needed economic
transformations mostly determined by the Western idea of economic development
which were greatly influenced by the principles of free market capitalism. Thus
liberal democracy and free market economy became the accepted political and
economic systems. Thus the basic characteristic of post-Cold War international
system was the spread of free market capitalism and democracy with emphasis
on elections, human rights etc

9.2.3 Deepening of Economic Interdependence
The end of the Cold War, in addition to the collapse of the ideology of socialism
and socialist bloc, coincided with the acceleration of the process of economic
globalization. Globalization is a major process in the form of rapid growth in
international economic and trade relations and deepening of interdependence on
one hand and great technological milestones in Information and Communication
technologies on the other hand. These developments resulted in emergence of a
new concept called ‘global village’ as the interconnectivity in terms of
manufacturing and trade as well as communication created new forms of webbased connectivities. Since this process of interconnectivity was global in nature,
and the spread across the streams of social, cultural, economic, technological
and political, the process also came to be known as globalisation. Globalisation
has led to the rise of new actors in the International relations. These new actors
are often non-state actors such as Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs),
Multinational Corporations (MNCs) etc. These actors have acquired important
role in determining the relations between nation states. They are transnational in
nature inspired by free enterprise and free trade and less accountable.
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.
ii) See the end of the Unit for tips for your answer.
1) ‘Glasnost and Perestroika policies of Gorbachev shaped a new world order’.
Elucidate.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
9.3 CHARACTERISTICS OF POST COLD WAR
ERA
There are certain prominent characteristiscs of the post-Cold War international
system. Though the Cold War period had created a bipolar world order where the
actions of the states were predictable and the actors in the international system
were supportive of the state actions. The Cold War period that way brought status
quo and stability to the international system. The fall of communism created a
vacuum and left the world unipolar with US as the sole super power and leader
of the free capitalism and liberal democracy. The Cold War world order was
divided based on the ideologies of capitalism and communism. The end of Cold
War brought an end to this ideological division. Hence the first characteristic of
post Cold War era is the dominance of free market capitalism. It is since then
seen as a major tool, approach and an important means to achieve economic
development. Majority of the countries who adopted communism or socialism
to achieve economic development have turned around to embrace capitalist
ideology.
123
End of the Cold War and its
Impact on IR End of the Cold War is also seen as heralding of individual freedom and
democracy. These freedoms range from economic, social, cultural and political.
All these freedoms are to be supported by rights. Both the freedoms and rights
are to be supported by political institutions which are basically democratic. The
second characteristic of post Cold War era was the outbreak of the ‘third wave’
of democratization, as Samuel Huntington put it. Liberal democracy in the
minimal meaning of electoral contest spread to South East Asia, North Asia,
South Asia, Africa and Latin America. East European countries underwent
varieties of ‘colour’ revolutions – ‘pink’, ‘blue’ etc. Some years later in 2010,
‘Arab spring’ bloomed in West Asian region. Elections were held, in many
countries for the first time; democratic governments came to power and completed
their term without facing a military coup, new constitutions were written; judiciary
became independent and rule of law prevailed, right to vote was expanded in
most countries and covered women, indigenous, and marginalised and excluded
sections of the society; and democratic institutions were established which
worked.
The third characteristic of post-Cold War era is the rapid growth in international
trade. Formation of the WTO marked the rise of a rule-based multilateral trade
order. The increased international trade allowed the countries to become
interdependent and to forge economic relations. This swift turn from traditional
relations which focused on interactions between governments has allowed
economic relations between private players. Global corporate and banking
interests emerged as extremely powerful economic players. Foreign economic
relations have become dominant over other traditional issues like defence and
border security etc. Increased international trade has softened the rigid boundaries
between the states and allowed free flow of goods, capital, human resources
forging new linkages between the states.
The fourth important characteristic of post-Cold War era is the rise of new actors
who are mostly non-state actors. These non-state actors do not have any
nationality, state identity and are not controlled by the state. International nongovernmental organizations like Amnesty International and Greenpeace emerged
championing specific issues like protection of human rights and environment.
The emergence of these non-state actors created several multiple linkages between
the states and non-state actors.
These linkages supported ‘cobweb paradigm’ to understand international relations.
The idea of international relations looking a cobweb emphasizes transnational
relations supported by various civil society organisations, multinational
corporations which create new forms of international society and which are not
bound by Realist idea of national interest and sovereign state. The interactions
between the non-state actors prioritise the individual and community interests
pertaining to the actors rather than national interest. The state here would not act
independently rather plays a supportive role. The result of this multiple
interactions at multiple levels slowly but steadily replaces the word ‘international
relations’ with ‘world relations’ in understanding the phenomenon and outcomes.
The fifth characteristic of post-Cold War era is the new focus – spread from
world-centric to region-centric interests. These interests ranged from
environmental issues to issues of human migration. These interests are common
in nature and have major impact on human civilisation itself. Identifying,
understanding and collective efforts to address the issues have become priority
124
Developments in International
Relations areas in state actions. These issues, for instance the COVID-19 pandemic call
for lots of concerted action at regional and global level; and even demand setting
up of regional mechanisms to fight these new types of non-traditional security
threats. State interests are submerged in common interests and states have become
part of collective actions at regional and global levels. Thus the states started
policy making according to this collective action and states started seeing their
national interest as part of collective interest. Identifying, understanding and
coordinating states to achieve common goals required pro-active organisations,
which are universal and aloof from interest of a single state. Thus the sixth
important characteristic of post-Cold War era is importance of international
organisations like the United Nations, WTO etc. The rise and growth of these
international organisations in the post-Cold War era is phenomenal and their
importance has grown rapidly. These international organisations deal with single
to multiple issues and in their reach range from global to regional. Thus the
importance of regional organisations and regional cooperation initiatives on
multiple issues has grown. These initiatives are focused on issues ranging from
easing trade to security to environment to migration at regional level.
All these characteristics have changed the discourse of international relations in
the post-Cold War era. The end of Cold War has added uncertainty and a degree
of unpredictability, along with the transformative structural changes, to
international relations. The period is also marked by a more dynamic and intense
nature of relations between the states. New types of negotiations and meetings
have evolved such as G-20 and BRICS where leaders meet and discuss issues of
global and regional importance. The emergence of more actors at the interactions
between the states started influencing the actions of the state. The concepts of
‘sovereignty’, ‘national interest’, ‘hard borders’ etc have become vulnerable and
weak. This led many scholars to question the concept of ‘Westphalian’ nationstate.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.
ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1) Discuss the important characteristics of post-Cold War international system.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
9.4 IMPORTANT ISSUES IN THE POST COLD
WAR INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
9.4.1 Ethnicity and Conflict
Dissolution of the USSR resulted in a steady rise in ethnicity-based conflicts and
violence in the newly independent countries. An ethnic war in former Yugoslavia
inflicted a heavy toll on human life and split the country in several independent
125
End of the Cold War and its
Impact on IR states. Number of secessionist movements based on ethnicity in the former Soviet
bloc especially in Moldova, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia indulged in such wars.
Other countries and regions like Sri Lanka, South Sudan, East Timor, Catalonia
also witnessed a steady rise in violent ethnic conflicts. African countries like
Angola, Cyprus, Somalia, Rwanda, Ethiopia, Algeria, Nigeria and others were
caught in ethnic, sectarian and tribal conflicts and wars. These wars have created
large human tragedies with violence, genocide, and crimes against humanity
committed on large scale. Restoration of peace and establishment of stable
democratic governments remain a challenge.
Ethnicity, religion and culture became predominant in uniting the people and the
concept of a secular multiethnic nation-state came under heavy criticism. In states
where multiple ethnicities existed, these states became vulnerable to the conflict
along the lines of ethnicity, religion, language, tribe and cultures. In 1992, Samuel
P Huntington, an American political scientist proposed ‘The Clash of Civilizations’
thesis which predicted that conflicts along civilizational lines will be the primary
source of conflict in the post-Cold War world. He argued that future wars would
be fought not between countries, but between cultures. The rise of identity politics
has become a major issue in international relations in the post-Cold War period.
As most of them are intra-state in nature, it is felt that internal ethnic and other
conflicts should be brought under the purview of international law and
organizations. The argument is that the international community cannot sit idle
while killing of human beings go on in the name of ethnicity, religion or tribe.
States cannot excuse themselves by saying these are internal matters of a sovereign
state. Liberal internationalism demands that international community must step
in to prevent, if necessary by using force, genocides, ethnic cleansings and crimes
against humanity. Thus, there began a collection of norms, broadly described as
‘humanitarian international law’. The concept of ‘humanitarian intervention’ and
the principle of ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P) became international norms.
The idea of ‘human security’, which essentially means ‘freedom from fear’ and
‘freedom from want’, emerged to protect individuals and communities from
persecution and violence. Former Yugoslavia, Rwanda and several other countries
and regions saw ‘humanitarian interventions’ in the aftermath of Cold War. The
UN upgraded its mechanisms and in 2006, UN Human Rights Council was
established which replaced the UN Human Rights Commission. Some analysts
hold the view that the global agencies like UN need special mandate to intervene
in these intra-state conflicts. So far the UN humanitarian interventions and the
UN peacekeeping and peace enforcement missions have had a mixed record.
Though, the UN could establish peace among the conflicting interests and groups
in some cases but it happened only after a lot of human suffering and killing.
9.4.2 Rise of Islamic Fundamentalism and Terrorism
The defeat of USSR in its Afghanistan campaign led the Soviets to retreat from
the country. The geostrategic policies adopted by the USA and USSR in the
region gave birth to a new threat to peace in the form of rise of Islamic
fundamentalism and terrorism. Various Mujahedeen groups which were primarily
based along ethnic and sectarian lines started conflicting with each other to secure
the power in the country. This process of grabbing the power also witnessed the
birth of Taliban, another fierce Islamic fundamentalist group. The birth of Taliban
started a new chapter in the history of Afghanistan. In the war against Soviet
occupation, many foreign fighters were brought to Afghanistan. One such group
126
Developments in International
Relations was Al-Qaeda headed by the Saudi-born Osama bin Laden. Al-Qaeda had its
foreign fighters who were trained and armed by the US. They fought against
Soviet army in Afghanistan. Once the Soviets withdrew from Afghanistan, many
of these militant and terrorist groups began looking beyond to spread their
ideology and influence. It was Al-Qaeda which carried out the terrorist bombings
in US on September 2001 – known as 9/11 terrorist incidents. Although there are
several Islamic outfits like Hezbollah in Lebanon, Palestine Liberation Army in
Palestine, their cause was political in nature, i.e. securing independence and
sovereignty for the regions they are based in. The US intervention in Afghanistan
after 9/11 attacks and the declaration by President George Bush of ‘war on
terrorism’ led to US interventions and regime change. The ‘war on terrorism’
and US and NATO intervention in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya and Syria also
witnessed the birth of several organisations like Islamic State of Iraq and Syria
(ISIS). The ‘war on terrorism’ has changed the entire discourse of international
relations.
9.4.3 Hegemonic Attitude of the United States
The Cold War period provided some amount of predictability and certainty in
international relations. The fall of communist bloc allowed the USA and its allies
to play a dominant role in world politics. The end of Cold War certainly expanded
the US role from being the chief protagonist of capitalism to other areas such as
global security, peacekeeping and peacemaking and peace enforcement, ‘war on
terrorism’, and further to areas such as regime change, democracy promotion,
human rights etc. In the name of protecting the democratic regimes and
international security, the post-Cold War era saw US intervention in several
countries. The Gulf war of 1991, US-led NATO intervention in Afghanistan in
the post 9/11 period, invasion of Iraq without UN sanction, interventions in Libya
and Syria are the examples of US and its allies aggressive policies.
9.4.4 Sustainable Development
The Cold War period witnessed massive rise in industrial activities, advancements
in military technologies, nuclear programmes, production of weapons of mass
destruction etc. The Cold War competition had no scope for the concept of an
industrial order that would be environmentally sustainable. The military budgets
of the countries at best included some spending on measures to reduce pollution
and emissions in industrial activities. The environmental protection movements
were also focused more on approaches which promoted ‘pollution control
strategies’ rather than adopting strategies which would change the production
process by incorporating environmentally-sustainable and -friendly technologies.
The end of Cold War immediately impacted the international relations in the
field of environmental protection. Global environmental concerns have become
common agenda in the international platforms. Unlike the Cold War era politics,
which would prevent countries to come together to fight for common cause
because of various reasons, the post-Cold War era could successfully identify
these common concerns. From the Rio summit of 1992, Kyoto Protocol and to
the Paris climate agreements in 2015, international community has come a long
way to undertake commitments to reduce emission of ‘greenhouse gases’ and
adapt technologies to mitigate climate change. Mid 1990s witnessed a substantial
progress in bringing the countries together on a single platform to discuss the
environmental issues. In 1995 first United Nations Framework Convention on
127
End of the Cold War and its
Impact on IR Climate Change (UNFCCC) was held in Berlin. This conference would also be
known as Conference of the Parties (COP) which expressed its concerns about
the adequacy of countries’ abilities and agreed on “Activities Implemented
Jointly”. This was the first joint measure in international climate action, which
has been a continuous process ever since. The idea of sustainable development
took shape and became embedded as an important goal in the economic
development strategies of developing and developed countries. Although there
are substantial issues that still need to be sorted out between the developed and
developing countries, the end of Cold War has hastened the process of forging
understanding and cooperation among countries.
9.4.5 Migration and Human Rights Issues
The dissolution of USSR resulted in bitter ethnic conflicts in former socialist
states like Yugoslavia which further split into several independent states. Ethnic
cleansing was the common phenomenon in these conflicts. Severe human rights
violations led to forced displacement, ethnic cleansing, and the problem of
refugees and economic migrants. The United Nations established The
International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY) to prosecute
perpetrators of serious crimes committed during the Yugoslav wars. The
Mechanism for International Criminal Tribunals (MICT) was the successor to
ICTY. Both these tribunals were successful in convicting the war criminals. The
international events like war on terrorism, ‘failed’ states and ‘rogue’ states, regime
change, economic failures of states have produced huge numbers of intra-state
and inter-state migrations in the post Cold War period. Countries like Afghanistan,
Iraq, Syria, Sudan, Somalia, Rwanda, etc have produced large number of migrants
due to conflicts. Addressing the concerns of refugees, displaced persons and
those fleeing state violence and seeking protection of their lives and human rights
have become main international issues.
9.5 NEW PERSPECTIVES ON INTERNATIONAL
COOPERATION
9.5.1 Multilateralism
One of the most important developments that happened and which has deeply
influenced international relations at the end of the Cold War is the expansion of
multilateralism. It refers to alliance of multiple countries and their agreement to
work together to achieve common goals or to address common issues.
Multilateralism allows countries to take membership or to form an alliance at
equal footage without any discrimination in any form. In that sense, it is opposite
to unilateralism. Though the institutions like United Nations, World Bank,
International Monetary Fund (IMF), General Agreement on Trade and Tariff
(GATT) were the core form of multilateralism during Cold War era and did play
a vital role in diffusing the Cold War tensions, the real essence of multilateralism
could be seen in the post-Cold War era. Formal establishment of WTO to
institutionalise international trade relations, conclusion of many free trade
agreements, such as NAFTA, which saw free flow of goods, services, human
resources between the member countries, formation of new groupings and
mechanisms like the BRICS, Shanghai Cooperation Organization, creation of
other economic initiatives and trade corridors, and infrastructural developments
128
Developments in International
Relations and connectivity like the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) are the examples of
growth in multilateralism at trade, political and security levels. These
developments have significantly affected international relations after the Cold
War and changed the discourse on polarity in general and facilitated the rise of a
multipolar world. Bipolarity of the Cold War had ensured stability and smooth
functioning of the international system. Bipolarity led many times to modification
of international sets of standards and order by the agreements between the two
super powers. Cold war era was the finest example of how international order
could be modified by agreements between USA and USSR. Bipolarity had created
a scenario where powerful state could influence the behaviour of comparatively
weaker states. Unipolarity on the other hand explains how the most powerful
state could influence the behaviour of other states (with or without their approval).
The actions of this powerful state may not be fitting into existing international
norms or rules. For example the US intervention in Iraq in 2003 was an act of
unipolarity and a unilateral action by the sole surviving super power.
Multilateralism and multipolarity have created more fluidity in international
relations. Even small states are engaged in forging trade and other agreements
with big powers and so often on specific issues. Miles Kahler defines
multilateralism as ‘International Governance by many’.The growth of
multilateralism and multipolarity also increased the importance of international
organisations in the international relations.
9.5.2 Revitalised Approach towards International Organisations
There were considerable numbers of international organisations during the Cold
War period. Organizations like the UN, World Bank, IMF, etc. were, in a sense,
victim of the Cold War as their functioning was influenced by the interests and
perceptions of the two super powers who tried to use them to advance their own
ideological and strategic objectives. They were seen as proponents of the
ideologies of their Cold War allies and were used as tools to influence the foreign
and domestic policies of developing countries. For instance, IMF worked in close
harmony with the US interests and goals. Understanding the role of these
organisations were to understand their nature and growth in international relations.
The end of Cold War has changed the perspective of how nations would understand
the working, nature and role of these organisations. The focus is more on the
levels and patterns of interactions between the actors including state and the
non-state international organisations. The emergence of new international regimes,
structures, rules of behaviour etc have become more important than looking at
them from the ideological prisms.
9.5.3 Commercial Considerations in Drivers Seat
The irreversible globalisation has made the world into a small society where
interactions between the countries are more based on commercial interests.
Production, movement and marketing, and consumption of goods and services
have become deeply integrated. Investment decisions, flow of capital and
technology across borders and regions and movement of corporate managerial
elite today integrates the world in an unprecedented manner. In the process
commerce have become main and important tool in shaping and reshaping the
relations between the nations. Commerce has become more important than ever
before and foreign policies are driven by the commercial interests. End of Cold
War has opened space to countries to use economics language in place of language

of security. The post WTO world order has been shaped by the idea of ‘market’
and reaching the market has become more important than rigid borders and border
conflicts. Export promotion has become crucial for national economic growths;
therefore every country seeks access to the market of other countries. The rapid
growth of economic interests has reduced prospects of war. In the process
protecting the market, protecting trade routes, building new infrastructure
connectivity have become basic objectives behind countries actions and measures.
These actions and measures have been emerging as the new sources of competition
and conflict between the countries. The South China dispute, growing
militarization in Indian Ocean, soft loans to African countries etc are the examples
of such competition and conflict between the countries.
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.
ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1) ‘Multilateralism and International Organisations have created conditions
for transformation of the world from Unipolarity to Multipolarity’. Explain.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
9.6 LET US SUM UP
The discussion above has given the picture of international relations after the
end of the Cold War. The Unit has also explained how the post Cold War period
has facilitated greater interactions between the countries; the outcomes of these
interactions; important actors and their role in shaping the relations between the
countries. The discussion also explored the important issues that the new world
order is facing and the transformation of the world from bipoplar to unipolar to
multipolar international system. End of Cold War saw the acceleration in the
process of globalization. With China’s rise, a New Cold War, also called Cold
War 2.0 is shaping up between the US and China. Apart from trade and security
issues, ideology is also a part of this friction as democracy and authoritarianism
are pitted against each other. There are likely to be some changes in the
international order after the Corona pandemic which would impact the foreign
policy of many countries in coming years.
9.7 REFERENCES
Bilol Buzurukov and Byeong Wan Lee (2016). A Comparative Analysis of Forced
Migration: Cold War Versus Post-Cold War Eras. Economics Discussion Papers,
No 2016-23, Kiel Institute for the World Economy. http:// www.economicsejournal.org/economics/discussionpapers/2016-23.
Gaddis, John Lewis. (1992). International Relations Theory and the End of the
Cold War. International Security, 17(3), pp. 5–58.
130
Developments in International
Relations Goldmann, Kjell; Ulf Hannerz and Charles Westin. (2000). Nationalism and
Internationalism in the Post Cold-War Era.Routledge, London.
Harrison, Ewan. (2004). The Post-Cold War International System: Strategies,
Institutions and Reflexivity. Routledge, New York.
Ikenbery, John; Michel Mastanduno and William C Wohlforth (eds). (2011).
International Relations Theory and Consequence of Unipolarity, Cambridge
University Press, Cambridge.
J. Ruggie, ed. (1993). Multilateralism Matters: The Theory and Praxis of an
Institutional Form, New York, Columbia University Press.
Johari, J C. (2014). International Relations and Politics – Theoretical Perspectives
in the Post – Cold War Era, Sterling Publishers, New Delhi.
Keersmaeker, Goedele De. (2018). Polarity, Balance of Power and International
Relations Theory: Post-Cold War and the 19th Century Compared, Springer
International Publishing.
Krasner, S. (ed.). (1983). International Regimes, Cornell University Press, Ithaca.
Lebow, Richard Ned Lebow and Thomas Risse-Kappen (eds). (1995).
International Relations Theory and the End of Cold War, Columbia University
Press, Columbia.
Lundestad, Geir. (ed) (2013). International Relations Since the End of the Cold
War: New and Old Dimensions, Oxford University Press, Oxford.
Waltz, Kenneth N. (1979).Theory of International Relations, Waveland Press,
Long Grove.
Watson, Dale C. (2007). Geopolitics and Great Powers in the 21st Century:
Multipolarity and the Revolution in the Strategic Perspective, Routledge, New
York.
9.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
1) Your answer should highlight the following points
Gorbachev initiatied Perestroika and Glasnost
Policy of Perestroika re-examined the spending on military and other
security agencies; and age-old system of material and military support
and subsidies to Soviet allies
Glasnostwas to give some political ‘opening’ to the Soviet citizens –
freedom of expression including right to criticize and form political
associations
By 1989 Glasnost spread across the Eastern Europe and Central Asian
regions

Democratic and freedom aspirations among the constituent socialist
republics of the Soveit Union itself finally resulted in dissolution of
USSR in 1991
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
1) Your answer should highlight the following points
Dominance of capitalism
Growth of democratic institutions
Growth of international trade
Rise of new actors
Regionalism and
Importance to international organizations
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
1) Your answer should highlight the following points
Multilateralism allows countries to take membership or to form an
alliance at equal footage without any discrimination
It is against unilateralism
Multilateralism and multipolarity have created more fluidity in
international relations
Even small states are engaged in forging trade and other agreements
with big powers and so often on specific issues

UNIT 10 EMERGING CENTRES OF POWER*
Structure
10.0 Objectives
10.1 Introduction
10.2 Concept of Power in International Relations
10.2.1 Types of Power: ‘Hard’ and ‘Soft’ Power
10.2.2 Global, Regional and Sub-regional Powers
10.3 Polarity in International System
10.3.1 Unipolar System
10.3.2 Bipolar System
10.3.3 Multipolar System
10.4 Post-Cold War Period and the Emergence of New Centres of Power
10.4.1 China
10.4.2 Russia
10.4.3 India
10.4.4 BRICS
10.4.5 European Union
10.5 Let Us Sum Up
10.6 References
10.7 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
10.0 OBJECTIVES
This Unit would enable you to understand:
Various definitions and discourses on the concept of Power in International
Relations
Types and levels of Power and the concept of Polarity in International system
and
Characteristics of emerging centres of Power
10.1 INTRODUCTION
Power in International Relations (IR) is related to the power of a state in terms of
influencing the actions and policies of other states. A state’s ability to influence
can be drawn from its socio-cultural, political, economic and military capabilities.
A powerful state can influence, control the political environment, events, issues
and interactions between the states at international level. A powerful state can
also resist, dominate, maintain status quo of any kind of consequences,
complications, implications for itself which may be the result of the interactions
between other states. Realists argue that the primary objective of a state in
international relations is to acquire that power, one, to influence the actions of
other states according to its wish; two, to resist any negative implications of
* Dr. Om Prasad Gadde, Dept. of Political Science, School of Social Sciences & Humanities,
Sikkim University
133
Emerging Centres of Power these interactions for itself; and finally, to successfully project its own power
and influence far and wide beyond its geographic region. Likewise, a regional
power is one who can make a difference to regional peace and stability on the
basis of its similar power capabilities. Based on the ability of states to influence
the actions and policies of other states, and the spheres of influence, powerful
states can be categorised into global powers, regional powers and sub-regional
powers. The nature of influence can be classified into ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ powers. If
the power is distributed among many states in international system it can be
called a multipolar system; and if there are only two states which can influence,
it is regarded as bipolar system. If there is only one hegemonic power which
dominates over the world, then it is a unipoar world.
10.2 CONCEPT OF POWER IN INTERNATIONAL
RELATIONS
Hans J Morgenthau (1948), a well-known Realist whom you have studied in
earlier Units, defines international politics as ‘struggle for power’; and that
countries are engaged in relations with each other for securing power. This
aspiration for power is the driving force behind countries’ willingness to have
relations with other countries and to participate in international affairs. Since all
the countries are engaged with each other with the same motive, power politics
and struggle for power is an inevitable phenomenon. Neorealists, like Kenneth
Waltz (1979) whom again you have studied earlier, argue that the bipolar system
is the most stable world order as the power is divided between two hegemons
with their satellites. The bipolar structure determines the foreign policies of
individual states; and thus the global politics. Here the individual national interests
are integral to the interests of power blocs. Waltz had found the Cold War bipolarity
as a source of stability and predictability in international system. Robert Gilpin
in his seminal work War and Change in International Politics opines that states
enter into relations and create structures to advance their interests. As the interests
of states change over time, states seek to change the system to get a more
favourable distribution of benefits. The ability of the states to change the
international system depends on the military, economic, and technological
capabilities of states and the changes in the interests of the states are according
to the change in domestic preferences – which, in turn, are due to changes in
domestic politics.
John Mearsheimer, known as ‘offensive’ Neorealist, insists on the ability of the
hegemonic power to dominate other countries in the region. He argues that a
hegemonic power always works to strengthen its own power and weaken the
powers of its rivals with the fear that if it does not do so, it can lose its domination
over the region. American Political Scientist Robert Dahl in his work The Concept
of Power (1957), had proposed a formal definition of power. He defines power:
“A has power over B to the extent that he can get B to do something that B would
not otherwise do.” Here, A refers to the influencer and B refers upon whom the
influence is being exercised. A’s ability to exercise power is relative and not
absolute and eternal. Robert Dahl’s argument on power goes with the relational
concept and declares that power is a causal and multidimensional concept. Power
can be derived from many and varied sources; and, it is without any permanency.
The relationship between power and interdependence among independent states
had been analysed by Jospeh Keohane and Robert Nye in their 1977 work titled
134
Developments in International
Relations Power and Interdependence, in which they argue the relationship between the
two are asymmetrical in the sense that the interdependence itself is a power
resource. They say the asymmetries in interdependence are most likely to provide
sources of influence for actors in their dealings with one another.
10.2.1 Types of Power: ‘Hard’ and ‘Soft’ Power
Power in International Relations can be classified into various types. These types
indicate the nature and ability of states to influence the policies and actions of
other states. Though all states posses certain amount of power, only few states
posses the ability to influence the conduct of other states.
There are basically two types of power, ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ which are used by the
great power to influence the behaviour of other states. What is ’hard’ power and
what is ‘soft’ power? Let us discuss and analyze.
‘Hard’ power: ‘Hard’ power is the capability to influence the behaviour and
actions of other states with the use, or threat of use, of military and economic
means. The exercise of ‘hard’ power is aggressive and coercive and is often used
to forcefully mend the policies of other states according to the interests of the
‘hard’ power. The results of exercise of ‘hard’ power are often immediate; or can
be seen in a very short time. A state’s emergence as a ‘hard’ power requires
economic development coupled with military might. It requires huge investments
in infrastructure, manufacturing, military, technological and innovation sectors
and a steady GDP growth rate. A ‘hard’ power effectively uses advances in these
sectors for its own national interest. The use of ‘hard’ power goes along with
risks both at economy and military fronts and a state which aspires to be a ‘hard’
power has to bear these risks. The premier example of a ‘hard’ power is United
States of America. Its intervention in Iraq in 1991 and 2003 and its ‘global war
on terrorism’ (GWOT) can be cited as illustrations of ‘hard’ power capability.
‘Hard’ power goes along with risks to the economy and the military; America is
engaged in its longest war in Afghanistan without a definite military or political
victory. Some countries like Japan and Germany can be called as economic
powers but not ‘hard’ powers because they lack the military ability and outreach
to influence other states like the United States.
‘Soft’ power: What does ‘soft’ power mean? In contrasts with ‘hard’ power
which is heavily relied on coercive methods, ‘soft’ power can influence other
states with the use of culture, movies, values, ethics, social, ethnic, linguistic,
historical and human relations. ‘Soft’ power can also use lobbying as a tool to
influence foreign policies of other states. Diaspora can play an important role in
this kind of influence. The ‘soft’ power concept was proposed by Joseph Nye
who argued that a country can achieve its interests by influencing the policies of
other countries through ‘soft’ tools like culture. Thus the ‘soft’ power depends
on its abilities to gain results through ‘soft’ tools and not ‘hard’ tools. Though the
‘soft’ power influence may not be as immediate and effective as ‘hard’ power, it
can nevertheless play an important role in shaping the public opinion and
developing a positive environment among the interacting states. The example of
a ‘soft’ power is India which has the ability to influence the policies, perceptions,
perspectives of other states through its historical and cultural background and a
wide diaspora. UN International Yoga Day, Bollywood, Indian philosophy and
diversity are deemed its ‘soft’ power. Football, Amazon rainforest etc. are the
‘soft’ powers of Brazil. Canada is a ‘good’ international citizen; a trustworthy
135
Emerging Centres of Power ‘mediator’ and a useful ‘go-between’ are its ‘soft’ power assets. US has immense
‘soft’ power – Hollywood, fashion, premier educational institutions and
universities, knowledge production and its research and development (R&D) in
the field of natural and human sciences etc.
10.2.2 Global, Regional and Sub-regional Powers
Based on a state’s capability to influence other states, a power can be categorised
as global, regional or sub-regional power.
Global Power: A global power exerts its influence at a global level; and is also
called by others as global power. A more commonly used expression is the ‘great’
power for these global powers. A great power possesses both ‘hard’ and ‘soft’
powers to influence other states in their domestic as well as foreign policy
decisions. Paul Kennedy (1987) argues that historically power of a ‘great’ power
cannot be compared on a single parameter. It depends on the political environment
of that period; and, further, the power can be measured in terms of the power of
other states. The characteristics of a ‘great’ power include the resources
availability, economic strength and military ability for a sustained campaign.
Kenneth Waltz opines that it is through mutual understanding that states decide
on who are the ‘great’ powers of a period (Waltz 1979, 131). Martin Wight in his
book Power Politics published in 1978, argues that a ‘great’ power is the one
with the ability to create, define and monopolise the international conflict. Though
Wight used the word ‘dominant power’ instead of ‘great’ power, his ‘dominant’
power does not deny the existence of other powers in the international system.
Kenneth Waltz identified five essential requirements to be a ‘great’ power. These
essential requirements are: state’s population and territory; availability of
resources and resource mobilisation; economic output and power; political
stability; and military strength and outreach. These five essential requirements
which are necessary for a state to be identified as a ‘great’ power are to be mixed
together and should be available at any point of time. Absence of any of these
can make a state a power but not a great power. For instance absence of resources
makes a power dependent for the same on other states. Absence of military strength
can make a state only an economic power. Absence of economic power and mere
presence of military power can make a state only a military power and not a
great power. Apart from these essential requirements, other tenets of a great
power include socio-cultural influence over the majority of the states of the world,
ability to innovate, adopt advancements in science and technology, etc.
Regional Power: A regional power will have all the characteristics of a great
power, but confined to a particular region. It plays a very dominant role in
determining the issues of the region, guiding the economic activities of states,
playing a vital role in the intra-regional trade and security etc. It would have a
major share in regional production, population, skilled workforce, technological
advancements and investments. A regional power would also have a significant
influence on the cultural aspects of other states and will have all the ‘soft’ power
qualities. Thus the basic characteristics of a regional power includes: economic
indicators such as the major share in regional GDP, per capita income, per capita
production, per capita expenditure and regional trade. Military indicators include
modern and well-equipped armed forces which can reach out to major parts of
the region, ability to conduct wars, influence the internal security of neighbouring
countries in the region, and majority share in the military expenditure. Political indicators are like the ability to influence the internal political environment of
other states, a stable domestic political environment, ability to lead and guide in
the regional policy matters, and ability to determine the inter-regional networks,
connectivities, contacts etc. A regional power can also play role of a cultural
hegemon in the sense that its own culture, media, social relations, outlook, music
and movies can play a dominant role in socio-cultural aspects of other states in
the region. In this sense its own diaspora plays a crucial role at socio-cultural
levels and also as a pressure group at political level. Analysts often describe
India and Brazil as examples of dominant regional powers.
Sub-regional Power: A sub-regional power can exercise its influence over its
neighbouring countries and at a relatively smaller regional level. It would have
its say in determining the sub-regional issues, can guide its neighbours in their
foreign policy options, dominates the trade and investments, posses much larger
military strength and enjoys relatively better political environment. A sub-regional
power aspires to be a major player at regional level and seeks to become a regional
player. The examples of sub-regions are Middle East, South Asia, East Asia,
Central Asia, East Africa, West Africa, South America, Central America and the
Caribbean region, etc.
The powers at the various levels work towards sustaining their position and as
well as to improve their position. For example, a great power would work to
sustain its position at global level, for which it adopts various strategies ranging
from providing assistance to imposing sanctions in order to make the countries
at global level to fall in line with its approaches and interests. Similarly the
regional power aspires to be a global power and a sub-regional power seeks to
achieve the position of a regional power. The position of these powers at various
levels depends on the political and other environments of that particular period.
A power of a particular time may not be enjoying the same position at later
periods of time; and thus there can be no permanent power hierarchy in
international system.
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.
ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1) Discuss characteristics of various ‘types’ and ‘levels’ of powers in the
international system.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
10.3 POLARITY IN INTERNATIONAL SYSTEM
Based on the ability of states to influence the affairs of other states at various
levels and the distribution of power, an international system can be defined in
terms of polarity. It means polarisation of power. Polarity examines whether or
137
how the power is distributed in one or more countries at global levels. There are Emerging Centres of Power
three types of international system – Unipolar, Bipolar and Multipolar.
10.3.1 Unipolar System
A Unipolar system is defined in terms of a single state having highest economic,
military, cultural and political influence all over the world. It goes against the
theory of balance of power as there will be no other power to balance the system.
Unipolarity is hegemonic. The global hegemon enjoys absolute domination in
guiding the international policies and providing direction to international politics.
Moneteiro in his work titled, Unrest Assured: Why Unipolarity is not Peaceful
provides three characteristics of a Unipolar system. This system is marked by
existence of several individual states with mutual relations among them. These
mutual relations are inter-state/ inter-national relations. Secondly, since there is
no superior authority to supervise these relations; the system is marked by
anarchical situation and situation constrains the Unipolar system as the states
will not readily accept the domination and dictation of the Unipolar state. Thirdly,
the balance of power will be absent in a Unipolar system as there exists no similar
or equal power.
10.3.2 Bipolar System
Bipolar system indicates the distribution of power between two states or blocs in
international system. These two states or blocs can influence the global affairs,
issues and relations. Majority of the states express their solidarity or align with
the interests of a single power or a bloc; and thus bipolarity divides the states
internationally. Cold War era international system which was dominated by USA
and Soviet Union is the best example of Bipolar world order. There are three
basic characteristics of a Bipolar system: First, it represents the international
system in which majority of the states are either allies or express their tactical
support with any of the two powers. Secondly it reflects a competitive environment
in which two powers compete with each other in all the spheres ranging from
economy to military, technological advancements to extending support to other
states, and from influencing international issues to controlling conflicts and
conflicting conditions. Thirdly, it represents zero sum game in which if one wins,
other power loses.
10.2.3 Multipolar System
A Multipolar system in international relations reflects the existence of multiple
powers as poles of power. It indicates that the power is not concentrated in a
single hand but distributed among many players. Not all power poles are of the
same size, strength and resourcefulness. Some power poles are durable others
may prove short-lived. Nevertheless, the powers at the core of the pole are
players which exercise considerable amount of influence on other smaller or
weaker states. Emergence of a Multipolar system depends on many factors.
First the economic developments, technological advancements, political
influences, military outreach in many countries can create multiple power centres.
Second, the weakening of a bipolar system disturbs the international status quo
and the balance of power leaving a power vacuum. This vacuum encourages
other states to step in and fill up the gap, focusing on rapid growth in many
spheres. Third, the efforts by the states to fill up the vacuum lead to competition
138
Developments in International
Relations in all the areas. The existence of Multipolar world order does not mean the absence
of a single hegemon but it means competition among other states to match up or
to step into the shoes of a competing hegemon. The post-Cold War period marks
the emergence of Multipolar system. US is the global hegemon, unmatched and
unchallenged in military and technological terms, but other power poles have
emerged with strong economies, political stability, technological and military
capability and with considerable ‘soft’ power appeal of their own.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.
ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1) Discuss the concept of polarity in international system.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
10.4 POST-COLD WAR PERIOD AND EMERGENCE
OF NEW CENTRES OF POWER
The first decade of post-Cold War period witnessed the world adjusting to the
changing world order. The period also marked remarkable US domination on
one hand and a steady growth in the number and strength of non-state actors
taking frontline positions in defining the relations between the states. This period
saw a steady growth of terrorism which was earlier confined to a single state or
region. This growth of terrorism particularly Islamist terrorism challenged and
narrowed down the idea of nation–state. Terrorism, money laundering, arms
trafficking and similar other challenges were not confined to particular states or
regions; they were global with established global networks. This growth of global
terror networks required cooperation between the states across the boundaries,
regions and ideological barriers. In the Cold War period, the international system
was largely divided based on the ideology and the dominant factor for the
relationship between the states was the ideology. This was the main victim in the
post-Cold War period. Though capitalist ideology became the guiding principle
for globalisation, it no longer was the reason for conflict between the states.
Another important development of post-Cold War period is the phenomenal
growth of globalisation and linkages of global networks. Globalisation is relatively
a new idea for many developing and developed countries. It demanded
unprecedented interdependence between the states. The interdependence in terms
of securing resources, production process and market forces created a network –
a chain which could not be broken. In other words states needed each other; they
need to cooperate with each other.
Growing economic and technological interdependence led to the redistribution
of power. Since no state no longer controlled all the resources and enjoyed
absolute economic might, the distribution of power became dynamic, random
and vague. The basic characteristic of this system is not polarisation of power
but distribution and diffusion of power. The countries which are in the process of Emerging Centres of Power
increasing their economic, military and political powers comparatively than other
states began to be described as ‘emerging powers’. ‘Emerging powers’ are those
countries which should have substantial land mass with vast natural resources
and population. Since modern idea of economic development needs the countries
with huge manufacturing base, self-sustainability in agricultural production,
political stability and sustainable policy making process, states with these qualities
were categorised as ‘emerging powers’. Robert J. Guttman in his book titled,
Europe in the New Century: Visions of an Emerging Superpower published in
2001 writes that in the 21st century, a super power requires not only economic
and military power but also strong market, young, highly educated workers and
high technology with a global vision. Emerging powers also need to adjust
themselves to the changing global dynamics in economic, political and strategic
spheres and also should be in a position to take up leadership position.
Based on the above discussion and description, one finds that the post-Cold War
period has witnessed the emergence of new centres of power. These centres range
from nation-states to association of states to non-state actors. However there is
no conceptual clarity about the category called the ‘emerging power’. Taking
into account parametres like economic development, military capability, political
stability and cultural strength, BRICS countries of Brazil, Russia, India, China
and South Africa are generally described as ‘emerging’ powers or ‘emerging’
economies. Others such as Mexico, Indonesia etc. are not far behind being
similarly described. European Union as a single economic community is an
emerging centre of power; it is a member of G-20 and also finds representation
at various other multilateral platforms. Others, such as Japan, Germany, France,
UK remain as great powers in their own domain. US continued to be described
as the sole superpower or global hegemon.
10.4.1 China
China is world’s most populous country with an estimated population of about
1.4 billion and with an area of about 9,600,000 square kilometres; it is one of the
world’s biggest countries. According to World Economic Outlook published by
International Monetary Fund, it’s GDP is about 14 thousand billion US dollars
which is about 16 percent of world’s GDP. China adopted centrally planned and
closed economy along Marxist-Leninist-Maoist philosophy. During the rule of
various leaders like Deng Xiaoping’s since the 1980s, reforms were introduced
which slowly and steadily transformed China’s economy. Soon after, it became
an investment hub for manufacturing and infrastructure sectors. The
manufacturing sector grew phenomenally; so much so that China began to be
described as the ‘global factory’ of cheap and affordable manufactures for rest of
the world. Its economy is highly export competitive; and share of exports in the
GDP is quite high.
China also hosts largest number of armed forces, spends second highest amount
on its military defence after the USA; and has emerged as a military power in the
Asian region. In order to play a key role in adjacent regions, it is expanding its
military presence. The claims on islands in South China Sea, its military base in
Djibouti in the horn of Africa, increased naval presence in Indian Ocean are the
examples of its effort for military outreach. China has adopted ‘String of Pearls’
strategy in Indian Ocean. By building ports, which bear strategic importance,
140
Developments in International
Relations China wants to have effective control over the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). ‘String
of Pearls’ extends from Chinese ports to Sudan Port in northern Africa, linking
Strait of Mandeb, the Strait of Malacca, Strait of Hormuz and Strait of Lombok.
As part of this strategy, it built strategic ports in Pakistan (Gwadar Port), Sri
Lanka (Hambantota), container shipping facility at Chittagong in Bangladesh,
Marao Atoll in the Maldives, and Somalia. These ports are being developed for
commercial, communication and strategic purposes.
Apart from ‘String of Pearls’ strategy, another important strategic initiative is
Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) which aims to develop infrastructure along ancient
Silk Road and Maritime Silk Road connecting Asia, Europe and Africa. This
initiative has brought many Asian, African countries directly under the influence
of China, as the country has initiated huge infrastructure development projects.
China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is one such example. Belt and Road
Initiative has also invited many concerns, doubts about China’s intentions and
also seen as a strategic effort by China to emerge as countering power to the
USA.
10.4.2 Russia
After the end of Cold War and collapse of Soviet Union, Russia faced enormous
political and economic problems. It is the largest country in the world, spread in
about 17 million square kilometres, which accounts about 16 percent of
geographical area of the world across Asia and Europe. Russia is rich in natural
resources, and hosts about 30% of all the world’s natural resources with an
estimated value of about 75 trillion US dollars. Russia also owns second largest
armed forces in the world and largest nuclear weapons. According to SIPRI, it is
the fourth biggest military spenders in the world. It spends about 5.5 percent of
its GDP on armed forces. Russia is second biggest arms exporter after the USA.
It takes about 22 per cent of share in global arms exports. Russia is 11th largest
economy in the world and the second largest oil exporter after Saudi Arabia. It
accounts for about 11 per cent of global oil exports. Russia has the reserves of
about 175 billion tonnes of coal and produces 5th largest amount of coal in the
world. Many neighbouring regions including Europe import huge quantities of
natural gas from Russia. Russia has its military presence in many Central Asian
Republics like Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and former Soviet allies like
Armenia, Georgia, Belarus, Moldova. It has direct involvement in Syrian conflict
and took over Crimea from Ukraine.
10.4.3 India
India is the second most populated country in the world and also hosts highest
number of young population which can also be called as human capital. Census
of India 2011 recorded that India has about 30 per cent of working population in
its total population, which amounts to about 36 crores. According to IMF
estimates, it’s GDP is about 2.96 thousand billion US dollars which is
approximately 3.36 percent of world’s GDP. India adopted liberal economic
policies since 1991 and since then it is one of the fastest growing economies in
the world. India also receives highest amount of remittances from its overseas
working population. In 2018 it received about 68 billion US dollars as remittances.
India is a nuclear weapons power. It has the fourth largest strength of armed
forces in the world; and according to SIPRI spends about 2.5 percent of its GDP
141
on armed forces. India is the largest importer of arms in the world. In between Emerging Centres of Power
2008 to 2017 the imports increased by 24 per cent. Russia is the largest exporter
of arms to India which accounts for about 62 per cent of its total imports followed
by USA and Israel. India imports about 12 per cent of total global arms imports.
As an emerging economy, India depends a lot on the safety and security of Sea
Lanes of Communications (SLOCs). A peaceful and rule based freedom of
navigation is necessary for its economic growth and security, in particular energy
secuirty. In strategic perspective, India is in the process of establishing patrolling,
surveillance radar systems in Madagascar, Maldives, Mauritius, a naval base in
Seychelles to protect its trade and strategic interests. It has close military relations
with Bhutan and Sri Lanka. It also initiated collaborations with Japan for the
Asia Africa Growth Corridor (AAGC) aimed at forging strategic partnership to
connect Asian and African countries with development projects. In 2017 India
along with USA, Japan and Australia became part of Quadrilateral Security
Dialogue to address its concerns in Indian Ocean. India also launched ‘Act East’
Policy (erstwhile Look East Policy) to forge strong economic, trade and security
relations with neighbouring South East Asian countries. All these initiatives and
strengths make India an emerging power in Asia.
10.4.4 BRICS
In 2009 first ever summit meeting of the four fastest growing economies of that
time came took place in Yekaterinburg in Russia. The imperative of their coming
together was to push for a multipolar world order, reform of the international
governance mechanisms and institutions including the UN, IMF and World Bank,
and to make globalization a transparent, just and development-oriented process.
South Africa joined the BRIC grouping in 2011 making it BRICS – Brazil, Russia,
India, China and South Africa. BRICS countries account for about 40 per cent of
global population, have a combined contribution of about 23% of the global
GDP and GDP in Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) terms of around 32%. Fast
growing economies, the grouping maintains, despite slowdowns of recent years,
high growth rate – on average about 5 per cent.
Economic and financial cooperation among the member countries is the most
important activity of BRICS. For this purpose formation of New Development
Bank (NDB) or BRICS bank with an objective of financing infrastructure projects
and sustainable development in developing countries, and creation of Contingent
Reserves Arrangement (CRA) to assist countries during the situations of instability
in the balance of payments were initiated. These initiatives are seen as an
alternative arrangement to Western dominated World Bank and IMF. Both these
institutions are evidence of growing financial multipolarity and diffusion of
financial power away from the ‘West’ to the ‘Rest’. BRICS also provides platform
for the non-OECD countries to discuss global issues and negotiate actions
independent of existing global institutions. However it is not a political alliance
or a military pact; hence, BRICS is not a direct challenge to the US hegemony.
In a multipolarised world, BRICS can only be seen as another pole.
Individual countries within BRICS like Brazil, Russia, India and China have
their own strategic and national interests. There are also differences and disputes
among them; for example, India-China border dispute. India and China are
competing with each other on many issues in the region. Russia is seen as a
direct threat to Western interests. These countries have very different strategic
142
Developments in International
Relations interests and their national agendas are, most of time, competing with one another.
BRICS is also an asymmetrical grouping; China is far bigger an economy than
rest of the BRICS combined. The other four BRICS also depend heavily on
trade with China and look for investment from China.
10.4.5 European Union
The European Union (EU) is a union of 27 states in Europe. It is an arrangement
for internal trade, market, movement of goods, investments and people. There
exists an administrative setup, with a European Parliament, Council, Court of
Justice, an evolved legal system, democratic functioning and with a separate
budget and currency. EU occupies about 15 per cent of global share in trade, and
is one of the 3 largest players in international trade. EU is the largest contributor
to the humanitarian aid in the world. Its European Civil Protection and
Humanitarian Aid Operations (ECHO) has partnership with multiple states and
NGOs in providing humanitarian assistance to the needy. Though EU does not
have its own dedicated armed forces and depends on the forces contributed by
the member countries. Looking at the ‘soft’ power abilities of EU, many scholars
like Reid (2004) and Leonard (2005) describe European Union as an emerging
power. In spite of the fact that Britain has exited from EU, it still remains one of
the most important trading partners to many developed and developing countries
in the world. EU, in the absence of large ‘hard’ power, is counted as an example
of ‘soft’ power with enormous cultural and diplomatic weight in the world.
The end of Cold War marked end of bipolar system in International Relations
and paved the way for competition among aspiring states to emerge as independent
power centres. The phenomenon of globalisation opened gates for transfer of
investments, capital, and technology among states; and gave rise to a new strategic
outlook which focussed on greater economic and commercial exchanges based
on the principles of free trade. Accordingly competition among countries to
play a key role and to take a leadership position in regional and global matters to
enhance their respective national interests increased. The new opportunities
provided by the post-Cold War period gave rise to emergence of new centres of
power. ‘Emerging’ powers and ‘emerging’ economies came onto the global and
regional stages with leadership claims; European Union became an economic
and technological powerhouse, essential for an orderly global economic and
trade system. China raced to become the second largest economy with great
technological capability in Artificial Intelligence (AI), robotics, internet of things
etc. These emerging and rising powers seek power in the traditional meaning of
power – which is dominated by the military, economic and political power. The
new centres of power also possess ‘soft’ power resources and skills to play a role
in international relations. Thus, states like China, Russia, India and groupings
like BRICS and EU are significant centres of power of the post-Cold War world.
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.
ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1) What do you mean by emerging centres of power?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
143
Emerging Centres of Power 10.5 LET US SUMUP
The above discussion has provided a conceptual understanding of Power in
International Relations; the capabilities and roles expected of a powerful state.
The Unit also discussed and described characteristics, types and levels of Power
in international system. It also discussed the developments of the post-Cold War
power; and the opportunities provided by these developments to the states which
aspired to become a power in their own right under the existing system. The Unit
has identified, based on the prevailing conditions, few states as emerging centres
of power. The states like China, Russia, India and collaborative arrangements
like BRICS and EU as emerging centres of power. Of course, as international
power dynamics continue to change, some new members could as well be added
to the list of emerging power centres.
10.6 REFERENCES
Chellaney, Brahma. (2010). Asian Juggernaut: The Rise of China, India and
Japan. Noida: Harper Business Publications.
Dahl, Robert. (1957). The Concept of Power. New York: Bobbs-Merrill.
Gilpin, Robert. (1981). War and Change in International Politics. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Guttman, Robert J. (2011). Europe in the New Century: Visions of an Emerging
Superpower. Colorado: Lynne Rienner Publishers.
Kennedy, Paul. (1987). The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers: Economic Change
and Military Conflict from 1500 to 2000, New York: Vintage Books.
Keohane, Robert O; Joseph S Nye. (1977). Power and Interdependence: World
Politics in Transition. Boston : Little Brown.
Leonard, Mark. (2005). Why Europe Will Run the 21st Century. London: Fourth
Estate.
Margenthau, Hans J & Kenneth W Thomson. Politics Among Nations: The
Struggle for Power and Peace. New York: Mc Graw Hill
Mearsheimer, John. (2001). The Tragedy of Great Power Politics. New York:
W.W. Norton & Company.
Moneteiro, Nuno P. Unrest assured: Why Unipolarity is not peaceful, International
Security. Vol 36 (3). Pp 9-40.
Nye Jr, Joseph. (2004). Soft Power: The Means To Success In World Politics.
Cambridge: Perseus Books.
Nye, Joseph. (1990). Bound to Lead: The Changing Nature of American Power.
New York: Basic Books.
Reid, T. R.. (2005). The United States of Europe: The New Superpower and the
End of American Supremacy. London: Penguin Books.
Waltz, Kenneth N. (1993).The Emerging Structure of International Politics, in
International Security. Vol. 18 (2), p. 50.
144
Developments in International
Relations Waltz, Kenneth. N. (1979). Theory of international politics. Reading, Mass:
Addison-Wesley Publishing Company.
Wight, Martin. (1978). Power Politics. London: Continuum.
10.7 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
1) Your answer should highlight the following
Hard and soft power
Global, regional and sub-regional powers
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
1) Your answer should highlight the following
Polarity examines how the power is distributed in one or more countries
at global levels
There are three types of international system – Unipolar, Bipolar and
Multipolar
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
1) Your answer should highlight the following
No conceptual clarity about the category called the ‘emerging power’
Based on parametres like economy, military, political stability and
cultural strength

UNIT 11 GLOBALIZATION*
Structure
11.0 Objectives
11.1 Introduction
11.2 Definitions
11.3 Characteristics of Globalization
11.4 Dimensions of Globalization
11.4.1 Economic
11.4.2 Political
11.4.3 Cultural
11.4.4 Geopolitical
11.4.5 Ecological
11.5 Impact on Nation-State and Sovereignty
11.5.1 Feebleness of National Sovereignty
11.5.2 Globalization and North South Divide
11.6 Globalization, International Relations and Global Politics
11.7 Critical Analysis
11.8 Let Us Sum Up
11.9 References
11.10 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
11.0 OBJECTIVES
The objective of this unit is to understand globalization as a phenomenon
experienced through the ages. Students would get acquainted with the idea of
globalization and its significance in International Relations. After reading this
unit, you should be able to know:
• The relationship between globalization and international politics
• Origin of globalization and its different dimensions & characteristics
• Location of nation state in the era of globalization
• Critical appraisal of globalization
11.1 INTRODUCTION
Globalization is an age-old phenomenon. Its presence had been witnessed from
mercantilism to commercial liberalism. Historically, the rapid transformation in
the modes of transportation & communication further increased the pace of
globalization. Human civilisation since the beginning remained occupied in the
quest of good life. According to Aristotle’s notion of existence of state as a
necessity for good life as well as an expression of man’s instinctive life remains
indispensable for the development of his potentialities. Globalization began with
people traveling from one region to another or across the globe. Since time
*
Dr. Sumit Kumar Pathak, Centre for Political Studies, Central University of South Bihar, Gaya
146
Developments in International
Relations immemorial, human beings have migrated-settling in new lands, building empires,
or searching for work. In the later stages, with the inventions of printing press,
railways, telegraph, telephone, radio, satellites, computer networks and World
Wide Web added to revolutionise the means of global communication and brought
the distinct civilisation closer to each other. Robert Keohane and Joseph Nye in
their ‘Introduction’ to Governance in a Globalising World write:
“The oldest form of globalization is environmental: climate change has affected
the ebb and flow of human populations for millions of years. Migration is a
long-standing global phenomenon. The human species began to leave its place
of origins, Africa, about 1.25 million years ago and reached the Americas
sometime between 30,000 and 13,000 years ago. One of the most important
[forms] of globalization is biological. The first smallpox epidemic is recorded in
Egypt in 1350 B.C. It reached China in 49 A.D., Europe after 700, the Americas
in 1520, and Australia in 1789. The plague or Black Death originated in Asia,
but spread [and] killed a quarter to a third of the population of Europe between
1346 and 1352. When Europeans journeyed to the New World in the fifteenth
and sixteenth centuries they carried pathogens that destroyed up to 95 percent of
the indigenous population. “
Although, it is difficult to assign any particular date and year to identify the
beginning of the current phase of globalization but in general, in the last decade
of twentieth century, the globalization appeared as a buzzword and consolidation
of a new world society. It seems that, new inventions in the field of science &
technology have made globalization feasible and notion and objective of economic
liberalization made it visible and inevitable. Globalization emerged as a neoliberal
package which facilitated the proliferation of world forces through the promotion
of the free flow of goods, investment/capital, trade/commerce, currency,
information/knowledge, ideas, culture, authority and even movements of people.
Globalization is seen as ambitious in nature and totalising in character. It is also
the byproduct of intertwined nature of politics and economics.
11.2 DEFINITIONS
To be able to explain the phenomenon of globalization in a single definition
always remains a contentious task. As a term it is widely associated with the
multitude of transformations within all aspects of nations and civilisations.
Globalization has been felt as a contested concept and remains the matter of
debate throughout the world. But, inspite of all the hurdles and hardships, scholars
and institutions have interpreted and defined globalization as per their own ways
of understanding it. International Monetary Fund (IMF) describes it as “the
growing economic interdependence of countries worldwide through the
increasing volume and variety of cross-border transactions in goods and services
and of international capital flows, and also through the more rapid and widespread
diffusion of technology”.
According to Anthony Giddens “Globalization can be defined as the
intensification of the worldwide social relations which link distant localities
in such a way that local happenings are shaped by events occurring many miles
away and vice versa”.
147
Oxford concise dictionary of politics summarises “Globalization is about the Globalisation
universal process or set of processes which generate a multiplicity of linkages
and interconnections which transcends the states and societies which makeup
the modern world system”.
Martin Griffiths and Terry O’Callaghan described globalization “A term that
refers to the acceleration and intensification of mechanisms, processes and
activities that are allegedly promoting global interdependence and perhaps,
ultimately, global political and economic integration. It is, therefore, a
revolutionary concept, involving the deterritorialisation of social, political,
economic and cultural life”.
According to David Held and others “Globalization is a process (or set of
processes) that embodies a transformation in the spatial organisation of social
relations and transactions, generating transcontinental or interregional flows and
networks of activity, interaction, and power”.
David Harvey’s idea of time-space compression has given a new dimension of
emergence of ‘global village’. (Harvey 1989). Marx had rightly anticipated about
the arrival of globalization with these words that the working men have no
country. “When the Manifesto asserts that “workers are without a country” and
for this reason they “act above any national differences,” it is expressing a principle
that has enormous relevance today”.
Ronald Robertson’s definition of globalization runs as follows “Globalization as
a concept refers both to the compression of the world and the intensification
of consciousness of the world as whole…both concrete global interdependence
and consciousness of the global whole”.
Indeed, thinking and defining globalization is a challenging task and there is no
single way and means to define it. Although, in a layman language it can be
summarised as an extensive process of interconnectedness and inter-relation in
all activities among nation-states irrespective of their time-space context.
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.
ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1) What do you mean by Globalization?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
11.3 CHARACTERISTICS OF GLOBALIZATION
In the attempt to understand globalization, in the light of aforementioned
discussion, following points bear significance, especially as regards to our study
of International Relations.
148
Developments in International
Relations It is a deep historical process which includes ancient population movements
across the globe for trade and commerce as well as the spread of knowledge
and technology.
It is multi-pronged approach characterized by an increasing complexity and
interdependence among the human societies and nation-states.
It is the process of internationalization through straddling of state borders
by removing state regulatory barriers.
It exhibits the more realist view of International Political Economy (IPE)
with the emergence of supra-state regional economic and social
configurations or blocs through economic diplomacy of big power as tools
that states utilize to ensure their relative gains.
It is the neoliberal understanding of political economy which has influenced
the economic policies of states around the world.
The development in the field of Information and Communication Technology
(ICT) has created a highway of networking which makes nation-state
boundaries porous and permeable to the movement of people, goods,
services, culture, ideas, capital and information etc.
It is a shift from human geography to economic geography or a geography
of networks to control key assets such as capital, technology, knowledge,
labour skills, natural resources and consumer markets.
The process of globalization has ushered in a new era of cosmopolitanism
which comprises the development of multiple loyalties as well as the increase
in diverse transnational forms of life, where nation-states are no longer
exclusive actors; instead there are other actors such as Non-Governmental
Organisations (NGO’s), International Civil Society (ICS’s), Transnational
Corporations (TNC’s) etc.
Power and authority of states are declining due to technological
advancements and economic globalization has undermined the capacity of
states to give adequate support to citizens.
The globalization process has been expansive and extensive and has created
a new world order – “a system of global governance that institutionalises
cooperation and sufficiently contains conflict such that all nations and their
peoples may achieve greater peace and prosperity , improve their stewardship
of the earth, and reach minimum standards of human dignity”.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.
ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1) Discuss the characteristics of globalization.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
149
Globalisation 11.4 DIMENSIONS OF GLOBALIZATION
There are different dimensions of globalization. To understand and analyse the
role of globalization in the domain of international relations, it is essential to
discuss the different dimensions of globalization.
11.4.1 Economic Globalization
The end of Cold-War has witnessed the expansion of market economics, which
confined the sphere of nation-states and led to the emergence of transnational
connections. The ‘End of Ideology’ debate caused proliferation of major
globalizing forces in the form of ‘Triumph of Capitalism’. Capitalism is such an
effective form of production that it tends to marketisation based on freedom
from control and constraint of any nation-state. Neoliberalism as the economic
ideology of globalization reduced state intervention in market and led towards
the idea of deregulation, privatisation, free trade and commerce as well as free
flow of capital across the globe. The adoption of neoliberal policies accompanied
by the expansion of transnational corporations and proliferations of the global
networks of production and distribution was the beginning of global economic
integration, negotiation and interdependence.
The process of economic globalization took place in two stages. The first stage
begins during the Second World War period when in August, 1944 “in the sleepy
New England town of Bretten Woods, under the leadership of USA and Great
Britain, the major economic powers of the global North reversed their economic
policies of the interwar period”. The Bretten Woods meeting resulted in a range
of measures to stabilize the international financial system by regulating trading
relations between and among nation-states through three formal institutions:
International Monetary Fund (IMF) to look into the management of fixed
exchange rates and administer the international monetary system, International
Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) Known as World Bank to
reconstruct the war-torn European countries by offering assistance in the form
of loans and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trades (GATT) to eliminate
discriminatory trade practices through fashioning and enforcing multilateral trade
agreements. In 1970s the Bretten Woods system failed because Richard Nixon
announced that US would no longer exchange dollars for gold.
The second phase begins with the collapse of Soviet Union and end of Cold War
which led to the triumph of capitalism. This followed the international highway
of networking among global financial markets by the use of new technologies
such as electronic transfer of money and commerce. During 1990s a new set of
neoliberal policies unleashed on the developing countries referred as “Washington
Consensus” which had the broader support of USA, IMF and World Bank. It was
devised and codified by John Williamson who favored a minimalist state and an
enhanced role for the market. These policies included “fiscal discipline,
liberalizing trade, promotion of FDI, deregulation, reduction of public
expenditure, tax reforms to broaden the tax base, financial liberalization,
competitive exchange rates, privatization and securing property rights”. This
economic globalization succeeded in establishing the hegemony of international
economic institutions across the globe and a significant power differential between
the global North and South.
150
Developments in International
Relations
11.4.2 Political Globalization
The political globalization can be explained and understood through two facets.
The first facet of political dimensions of globalization tends towards the process
of democratization of existing institutions and de-concentration of power. As we
know, modern globalization is the byproduct of capitalism and liberalism which
advocates for capitalist democracy as an end in itself. This has established a
strong link between economic and political forms of liberalization. “Democrats
around the world have exhilarated by this widespread democratic process – what
could be called the “globalization of democracy” – in terms of the nearly universal
diffusion of popular demands for political freedom, representation, participation
and accountability”. Technological development has accelerated the speed of
this diffusion. Access to Information and communication technology has created
the ‘virtual communities’ and without physical and spatial connections they have
cooperation and coordination. Today these virtual communities are so strong
through the use of new technological apps (e.g WhatsApp, Linkedin, Facebook
etc) that they play a greater role in formation of government in any country and
influencing global political agenda. Social media has become the strong tool in
opinion formation and social/mass mobilization.
The political community has been converted into global community to understand
and feel that they possess the right to say on any issue across the globe. The
interconnectedness have made people aware about the various global issues e.g.-
Environmental problems – Global Warming, Climate Change, Nuclear
Proliferation, Terrorism, Diseases etc., which state alone cannot resolve, this has
created a drive for transnational citizenship or global citizenship. Now the modern
governance not only includes government action but also encompasses other
groups (e.g. – NGO, Global Civil Society, INGO’s etc.) with the authority to
participate in decision-making and formulation of policies. Political globalization
through the process of diffusion allows citizens to think about their personal
self-development through non-interference of state in terms of homogenization
of values. The second facet of political globalization is related to nostalgic idea
of nation-state, which is being discussed further in globalization and nationstate.
11.4.3 Cultural Globalization
The cultural dimension of globalization tends towards free and fearless
interactions among different cultures beyond their spatial moorings. Technological
advancement has pushed the social process out of their national and notional
territory. The idea of Interdependence, Integration and Information has intensified
the process of overcoming of national culture in favour of a new global culture
i.e. culture of consumerism. This culture of consumerism is based on the social
arrangements beyond any national or territorial limit for the production,
consumption, tastes, beliefs, commitments, meanings, values etc. Modern media,
social media and other faster mode of communications are the transporters of
cultural globalization. This is the era of ‘media imperialism’. This social media
is the fast emerging unparalleled-tool to shape public opinion, connect people
across domains and cultures as well ensure participation beyond any geographical
boundaries. Explosion and expansion in digital space has undermined all other
spaces to result into the world to exist in cyberspace. Cyberspace means a platform
for interactions, conversations, searching, creating, and sharing the ideas,
151
information, culture, knowledge without any territorial limit. This new platform Globalisation
has changed the power structure by blurring the national borders. Indeed, the
status in society depends on amplification of information and communication
rather than money. It is forging new relationships that transcend kinship, creed
and country.
The narrative about cultural globalization has taken different courses. Samuel P.
Huntington has elucidated, “In the emerging world, the relations between states
and groups from different civilisations will not be close and will often be
antagonistic” and the principal pattern of world politics will not be shaped by
conflict and cooperation rather by power of culture and civilisation. “The global
politics began to be reconfigured along cultural lines”.
Jan Nederveen Pieterse prefers the idea of “hybridization; that sees a mixing of
cultural elements and cultural mixing erodes nationalism because it relies on
border crossing and subverts claims of cultural purity and authenticity because it
starts out from the fuzziness of boundaries”. Because of the variations in cultural
dimensions a new thesis emerged as the idea of the world wide homogenisation
of cultures due to the presence of multi-national corporations known as Mcworld/
McDonaldisation. This Macdonaldisation shows the omnipresence of global
capitalist culture. No doubt, global societal interconnectedness immediately
questioned many of the established discourses (e.g. governments, institutions,
firms etc.) associated with the idea of nation-state.
11.4.4 Geopolitical Globalization
Geopolitical dimension of globalization tends towards re-examining the idea of
geography or spatial understanding of nation-state in post-Cold War period. “The
end of Cold War has allowed the emergence of a new geopolitical order dominated
by geo-economic questions and issues, a world where the globalization of
economic activity and global flows of trade, investment, commodities and images
are re-making states, sovereignty and the geographical structure of the planet”.
This shift from geopolitics to geo-economics had escalated the process of
deterritorialisation. According to Peter Dicken “Globalization is not a single
unified phenomenon, but a syndrome of processes and activities. These processes
must be understood as spatial, and globalising processes are both reflected in, as
well as being influenced by, multiple geographies, rather than a single global
geography”. The complete process of globalization is revolving around
production, distribution and consumption in which production is the core and
financial institution and acts to lubricate it without borders. Edward Lutwalk
“foresaw a world where states as territorial entities would continue to compete
with each other, though now in geo-economics and not geopolitical conflicts”.
Therefore, the new world has new identity with more geo-economic and geocultural faces that is geography of networks. “Geopolitics is not just the calculation
of countries trying to expand or protect their territory and define a political sphere
of influence; it is also about countries, business and political groups making
connections across the globe”. Contemporary geopolitical situation is in
fragmentation, because today not a single country is strong enough to establish a
global geopolitical order. The onset of information revolution as source of power
has removed the idea of iron curtain from the domain of international relation
and established the idea of free world. Globalization has transformed the nature
of geopolitics which has been termed as “Meta-geography, that has so undermined
152
Developments in International
Relations the power and sovereignty of states that no one state could attain the position of
world leader again, furthermore, others see globalization as a geopolitical
“endgame”. With the presence of multiple agents, goals and structures within
nation states the idea of geopolitics has become a messy affair. The technological
and economic advancements have brought dramatic changes in patterns of power
due to which the natural source of power is in the process of decline. Geography
has become redundant in this borderless world.
11.4.5 Ecological Globalization
The ecological globalization tends to estimate the impact of globalization on
ecology. No doubt the process of globalization has dismantled the ecologicalmosaic to turn environmental threats global in nature. global warming, climate
change, rise in sea level, melting of glaciers, ozone depletion, tsunami etc – are
beyond the control of nation state. It needs a collective/global understanding and
efforts. Today, mankind is more susceptible to natural disasters. The human’s
ambition to conquer nature through the development of science and technology
has put the civilisation in high risk zone. Although contemporary environmental
abuses through maximum use of resources for profit, at the place of optimum
use for mankind, has breached the nature’s limit. The hyper-competition among
nation states to capture resources has culminated into environmental scarcity.
Global overconsumption and overpopulation has imbalanced the ecology. And,
it shouldn’t come as a surprise if in near future wars are fought due to scarcities
of natural resources i.e. water, forests, cropland etc. Globalization has already
widened the gap between North and South and poor south has no necessary
infrastructure and source of income to adopt the core of “sustainable development”
to have become more vulnerable.
With the dawn of twentieth century, acute global environmental problems have
erupted which has far-reaching ramifications. Nation-state alone is insufficient
to tackle these issues. Non state actors like Greenpeace, different kinds of IGOs
& INGOs have taken the corrective measures to meet the challenges of
environmentalism. The global ecological concern forced the masses to observe
‘Earth Hour’ annually encouraging individuals and business houses to turn off
non-essential electric lights for one hour from 8:30 PM to 9:30 PM every year in
the end of March month as a symbol of commitment to save the planet. Today,
no crisis can be compartmentalized rather they are interlocked. “Ecology and
economy are more interwoven – locally, regionally, nationally and globally into
a seamless net of causes and effects”.
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.
ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1) Explain the different dimensions of globalization.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
153
Globalisation 11.5 IMPACT ON NATION STATE AND
SOVEREIGNTY
Globalization has undermined the position of nation-states by challenging the
conventional definitions of power, security and sovereignty. Growing
interdependence and economic integration have blurred the borders of nation
states and led towards the idea of deterritorialisation. The treaty of Westphalia
(1648) had formalised the idea of modern nation state or statehood by identifying
it as sovereign entity. The beginning of globalization has been marked as the
decline of the state. This
“Westphalian system of autonomous nation-states, organised around
spatial logics of domination and development on the basis of
geopolitical agendas, is not yet dead, although it does seem to be
dying. Yet a Post-Westphalian system of global networks,
transnational flows, and informational communities, tied into a fluid
logic of influence and interaction set into the code of chronopolitical
programs, is also not yet fully formed, even though it does appear
to be rapidly developing”.
It has created a situation whereby states are gradually losing control over their
socio-economic and political economies. With the onset of globalization, borders
have become meaningless and a paradigm shift has been observed into the domain
of nation state, particularly inpolitical and economic domain. The tools of
globalization-technology, information networks, cross border trade and terrorism,
cultural flow, capital flow and knowledge flow has created a world society/state
and limited the jurisdictions of nation state. Sovereignty was a legitimizing
principle that constitutes state but owing to this paradigm shift it is being contested.
The sovereign boundaries of nation states have become permeable. Sovereignty
and its exclusive control over territory has lost its significance in context to
global market forces controlled by Transnational Corporations (TNCs) and
financial institutions. Globalization, through the policies of Structural Adjustment
Programmes, forces nation state to focus more on economic growth in place of
remaining engaged to promote national identity. The new work culture through
outsourcing has made the national economy the captive of international market
forces. Is processes of globalization eroding the fundamental basis of international
system and state sovereignty? The answer would take different course, but indeed
it has put a check on the independent identity of nation state. In this complex
interdependent world the hectic affairs for war may seem irrational. Robert
Keohane and Joseph Nye have argued that world has become more pluralistic in
terms of international interactions in which complex interdependence has
presented a world with four characteristics: “1) Increasing linkages among states
and non-state actors; 2) a new agenda of international issues with no distinction
between low and high politics; 3) a recognition of multiple channels for interaction
among actors across national boundaries; and 4) the decline of the efficacy of
military force as a tool of statecraft”.The era of trade liberalization has demolished
the economic walls of nation states and on the debris of national economy the
wall of global economy has been erected. Globalization has dismantled the
Westphalian structure by diminishing the demarcation between outside and inside
borders and made nation states more vulnerable.

11.5.1 Feebleness of National Sovereignty
Exploring the scale between state redundancy and state potency is the core of
globalization which has generated a contested ground for the idea of sovereignty.
Since the dawn of the process of globalization the possibilities of international
conflict and cooperation arose. The existence of international political economy
(IPE) questioned the viability of the national economies. According to one
definition, “Globalization refers broadly to the process whereby power is located
in global social formations and expressed through global networks rather than
through territorially based state”. Globalization locates significant activities in a
transnational sphere over which national government can exert only a little or no
control or beyond the control of state and nationalities. This paradigm shift in
national activities and the growth of transnational externalities led the foundation
of feebleness of national sovereignty. It is argued that “global capitalism has
contributed to:(a) the end of sovereign statehood;(b) a rise of supra territorial
constituencies;(c) possibly a, decline in interstate warfare;(d)increased constraints
on state provision of social security;(e) a growth of multilateralism; and (f) the
impracticability of achieving democratic governance through the state alone”.
The most significant part of supra territoriality; communication, organization,
financial institutions, trade and commerce, culture and consciousness to ecology
transcends the border to result in feebleness of national sovereignty. The global
commodities, production, distribution and consumption has enhanced the rate of
profitability and established the idea of global market based on trans-border
relations. Thus, the pressure has increased on national governments to be subjected
by the multilateral treaties and international institutions. The traditionality of
international relations has been subjected to the scrutiny of non-state actors/
institutions.
11.5.2 Globalization and North-South Divide
The language of globalization seems to be imperialistic and its vocabularies too
are authoritative to have diminished the national identity. The world has been
divided into two spheres the ‘North’ (which is technologically and industrially
more advanced) and the ‘South’ (which is the poor one and less developed/
underdeveloped countries). As Joseph Stiglitz has observed: “A growing divide
between the ‘haves’ and the ‘have-nots’ has left increasing numbers in the third
world in dire poverty, living on less than a dollar a day”. The underdeveloped
South wanted to know whether globalization could reduce poverty or not. Instead,
the spread of globalization has increased the volume of trade and commerce to
grant only the North the benefits of the process. As a result, these poor countries
of the South felt trapped in Washington consensus based on fiscal austerity,
privatisation and market liberalisation. They were forced to accommodate everincreasing numbers of people with diverse cultural beliefs and practices which
has broken the spine of both social strata and economic structure and also
destroyed their national identities.The International Monetary Fund accepted this
divide and explained that, “The central challenge we face today is to ensure that
globalization becomes a positive force for all the world’s people. Its benefits are
unevenly shared, while its costs are unevenly distributed”.31 This divide extended
further with the help of ICT revolution which paved the way for erosion of cultural
identity through the process of homogenisation, which affected both North and
South. So much so, critics from both sides created an ideological cleavages within
North as well as South about the best way to cope with globalization.
155
Globalisation 11.6 GLOBALIZATION, IR AND GLOBAL
POLITICS
The State is the core of the analysis of international relations. The argument of
this unit is – how states have lost their control over their economy and polity
since the dawn of globalism. The non-state actors (i.e. TNCs, MNCs, Global
Financial Institutions etc.) have occupied the hegemonic position over domestic
politics, actors, institutions and structures as an irresistible force. After the Second
World War and end of Cold War the world leaders were also worried about the
security of world’s major region or regional peace. Today, the global space is
more crowded with number of actors than ever before which has also made the
nation state more vulnerable. The term ‘international’ represents a field of political
and economic forces distinct from the ‘domestic’ while ‘relations’ represents the
location of sovereignty among the different forces that operate in the domestic
arena. It is also a condition that how the domestic actors and institutions respond
to the pressures of non-state actors. The pre-eminence of states as systems of
political and economic regulation of social life is contrasted by a series of corrosive
forces.
The end of Cold War was a new inning for states in the international arena which
can be described through the complex channels, issues and approaches.
Philosophers have started to have a fresh look to the idea of international relations.
This fresh look appeared through spec of globalization and is called ‘global
politics’ – which is different from international politics. In simple terms global
politics is the study of economic and political pattern of the world which is
interlinked with the idea of globalization. “There are four ways-contexts, content,
approach and agency by which global politics can be differentiated from the
international politics”. Contextual differences indicate the two different world
order in which global politics has emerged. On the first, the international politics
emerged after the world war bipolarity that was characterized by the conflict
between the two power blocs. On the other, the global politics emerged during
the Post-Cold War period that was characterized being as a multi-polar world
order. The second difference between international politics and global politics
are top down and bottom up approach. It means that the international politics
was a top down phenomenon in which it was imposed from top (major powers).
To the contrary, global politics has followed the bottom up approach and the
nature of this politics is spontaneous and seems mature with multipolarity. In
short, it can be said that international politics was inward-looking and based on
(endogenetic forces), while the global politics is (exogenetic forces) open. The
third difference concerned with content in which international politics was only
focused on power centric approaches but global politics is multidimensional and
multifaceted. Last difference refers to actors who have been playing the main
role in the international politics. In the international politics, state was the main
actor but in global politics non-state actors have occupied the prime position.
The end of Cold-War was a huge achievement of the world community. It means
that there are no places for other ideology such as socialism or state led politics,
because of omnipresence of market and deconstruction of state in the world
politics. As a result the third world countries have been forced to open their
markets through adopting the policy of liberalization, privatization and
globalization. But at the same time paradigms shift in security studies have forced
to understand the emerging notion of human security. There is a need to move
156
Developments in International
Relations away from nationalist and bloc thinking that permeates our institutions towards
a concept of human security. This hints at not only changing our thinking but
dismantling the security institutions of the past that sustain current authoritarian
regimes and create new institutions that are better adapted to a globalised
situations. This idea of human security focuses on the security of individuals
rather than the state. This is only feasible with the help of global politics. The
socio-environmental problems have continued to worsen every nation in spite of
several measures taken to draw the attention towards the idea of global politics.
The emergence of human rights, human security, collective security, terrorism,
environmental issues, migration, refugees issues, ethnic issues etc have drawn a
more coherent picture of the world and no nation state can avoid it and is in a
position to fight out alone. The environmental problems related to transnational
pollution, ozone holes and global warming are so enormous that they cannot be
managed by individual state. This resulted into the analysis of common issues &
interests shared/encountered by all nations favored to the idea of global
cooperation to meet the emergent needs of the global society. Global politics
emerges as a new synthesis based on international cooperation as well as changing
nature of conflicts to advocate for devising effective solutions through global
institutions to aim for accepting global politics not as a mere choice but a reality.
Check Your Progress Exercise 4
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.
ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1) What do you mean by global politics?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
11.7 CRITICAL ANALYSIS
In general, a gloomy picture of globalization has been shown to the world by the
guardians of world economic order but is it really so? Debates and critics are in
varied contemplation – Is globalization equally beneficial to developing or Third
World countries? Or, it is often said and believed, ‘Globalization is of the rich
people/nation, for the rich people/nation and by the rich people/nation’. The
main protagonists of globalization are ascending imperialist countries, the
countries whose principal economic institutions are ‘world competitive’ and thus
have nothing to lose and everything to gain from ‘free trade’ and ‘open market’.
Globalization has often increased class-based inequalities. Globalization increases
some inequalities between the developed North and the economic South. Thus,
157
is globalization a force for equity or for exploitation? There is loss of faith in the Globalisation
international order and institutions face major blow due the process of
globalization, which has undermined the confidence in international institutions.
More recently, U. S. President Mr. Donald Trump has threatened to walk out of
the WTO which has put a question mark on the viability of international
institutions. The globalization led development is paradoxical in nature to result
into discriminatory practices among nations. “First, third world countries have
been facing the discriminatory nature of international law. Secondly, the collapse
of Washington Consensus and economic crisis in Europe and America highlights
the weakness of neoliberal economy. These weaknesses of neoliberal economy
raised certain questions in front of policy makers of different countries in the
world such as reforms in Britain Woods Institution and the discriminatory nature
of those provisions which is mentioned in WTO”. The world economic crisis of
2008-2009 has become a bifurcation point of the current structure of the global
world.
On the other hand the process of globalization has undermined the sovereign
power of nation state and it has become difficult to identify the actors in the
decision making process within the given territorial unit. There is less international
migration than it was in the earlier times because barriers to immigration are
higher now and there is no opening of border or free flow of work-force/human
resource. The impression of global uniformity seems to be deceptive, because
global integration has provoked national disintegration. The globalization led
development has meant the loss of identity and breaking the nations into smaller
ethnic units and these ethnic and cultural passions are fracturing old societies
and regions in the name of Westernization. “Technology, communications and
market forces are unifying the world while at the same time ethnic, religious and
racial tensions are breaking up the world into small tribal fragments. According
to Benjamin Barber, Jihad and McWorld are diametrically opposed yet intertwined
forces. “Jihad not only revolts against but abets McWorld, while McWorld not
only imperils but recreates and reinforces Jihad”.
11.8 LET US SUM UP
The emergence of globalization can be understood as the new relationship between
politics and economy to explain world affairs. Globalization has opened the flood
gates for debate and discussions about the traditional theories of international
relations and questioned the relationship between politics and economics within
domestic sphere. The rise of globalization is based on new networks of authority
which concerns more for global security. Now, the international relations are
being monitored through an analytical approach to world politics that emphasizes
the impact of global conditions on foreign policy behavior. The debate about
globalization is still on, not only about how to define it but also about its origins,
central actors, driving forces, and transformative powers. Globalization seems
to be a deeply political phenomenon. It is shaped by complex negotiations and
interactions among institutions of transnational capital, nation states, and
international institutions. Although, it has succeeded in creation of popular image
used to describe the growth of awareness among all people to share a common
fate stemming from a macro perspective that views the world as an integrated
and interdependent whole.
11.9 REFERENCES
Featherstone, M. (ed.). (1990). Global Culture. London: Sage.
Fukuyama, F. (1992). TheEnd of History and the Last Man. London: Hamish
Hamilton.
Giddens, A. (1990). The Consequences of Modernity. Cambridge: Polity.
Gilpin, R. (1987). The Political Economy of International Relations. Princeton
NJ: Princeton University Press.
Harvey, D. (1989). The Condition of Postmodernity. Oxford: Blackwell.
Hirst, P. and G. Thompson. (1996). Globalization in Question. Cambridge: Polity.
Mittleman, J. (ed.) (1996). Globalization: Critical Reflections. Boulder, CO:
Rienner.
Ohmae, K. (1995). The End of the Nation-State: The Rise of Regional Economies.
New York: Free Press.
Robertson, R. (1992). Globalization. London: Sage.
Rosenau, J. (1980). The Study of Global Interdependence. New York: Nichols.
11.10 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
1) Highlight following points
Definitions given by IMF, David Held, David Harvey etc.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
1) Highlight following points
Characteristics like- Complex interdependence, blurring the boundaries,
role of ICT etc.
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
1) Highlight following points
Five dimensions: Political, Economic, Cultural, Geopolitical and
Ecological
Check Your Progress Exercise 4
1) Highlight the following
Global politics is study of economic & Political pattern of world
interlinked through globalization

Block-4 International organisations

BLOCK 4 INTERNATIONAL
ORGANISATIONS
Block 4 titled International Organizations has three units. Unit 12 highlights the
role and functions of the United Nations. The UN may not have achieved all of
its objectives since its formation in 1945 but it has also not allowed the outbreak
of a third world war. Unit 13 on International Economic Organizations discusses
Bretton Woods institutions of International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World
Bank. It also highlights the European Union and major economic crises that
have struck the world. Unit 14 is about regionalism and new regionalism.
International economic relations are a dominant feature of the post-Cold War
international relations. Free trade agreements, preferential trade agreements and
other types of trade and economic arrangements are being conceived and designed
among countries which are located in distant geographical regions

UNIT 12 ROLE AND FUNCTIONS OF THE United Nations
UNITED NATIONS*
Structure
12.0 Objectives
12.1 Introduction
12.2 Objectives, Principles and Organs of the United Nations
12.3 Role of the UN System in Achieving Peace and Socio-economic
Development
12.4 Achievements and Failures of the United Nations
12.5 Reforming or Restructuring the UN System
12.6 Let Us Sum Up
12.7 References
12.8 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
12.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit, you will be studying about the United Nations. This Unit would
enable you to understand:
The objectives/ purposes, principles and the principal organs of the UN
Role of the UN in international politics
Its major achievements and failures
Need for democratization of UN System through reforms and
Future prospects of the UN
12.1 INTRODUCTION
The United Nations (UN) was established on 24 October 1945. It is the only
truly universal and global intergovernmental organization created to date. It was
founded with 51 nations; UN now consists of 193 states as its members. The UN
continues to be the only global international organization and actor that has an
agenda encompassing the broadest range of governance issues. As the world’s
only truly global organization, the UN has become the foremost forum to address
issues that transcend national boundaries; and, which cannot be resolved by any
one country acting alone – no matter, how mighty. It is a complex system that
serves as the central site for multilateral diplomacy, with the UN’s General
Assembly as the center stage. Three weeks of general debate at the opening of
each annual session of General Assembly in the month of September draws foreign
ministers and heads of state and government from small and large states to take
advantage of the opportunity to address the nations of the world and to engage in
intensive diplomacy. All these years, the UN has played a significant role in
world affairs. Without it, the world we live in today would have been totally
different. It has prevented breakout of another major war after the 2nd World War.
*
Prof. Abdulrahim P. Vijapur, Deptt. of Political Science, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh
162
International Organisations Its role may not be highly satisfactory to every person in maintaining international
peace and security, but its active role succeeded in cooling off tensions between
Super Powers and other major Powers in the world, particularly during the period
of Cold War. However, its role in creating human rights norms, undertaking
humanitarian activities and tackling refugee problems, to name only few, are
laudatory. It is not like a world government expected to solve all major problems
in the world, and with power to enforce its orders. However, it does provide the
means to help resolve international conflicts and formulate policies on matters
affecting humanity. The UN is a forum where all countries meet to discuss,
elaborate and extend international law in areas such as as human rights,
international trade, freedom of navigation and uses of the seas, and the fight
against terrorism.
12.2 OBJECTIVES, PRINCIPLES, AND ORGANS
OF THE UNITED NATIONS
As set forth in its Charter, the UN has four purposes:
To maintain international peace and security
To develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle
of equal rights and self-determination of peoples
To cooperate in solving international economic, social, cultural and
humanitarian problems and in promoting respect for human rights and
fundamental freedoms and
To be a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations in attaining these
common ends
In other words, the UN is mandated to safeguard peace and security; “to save
succeeding generations from the scourge of war”; to reaffirm faith in fundamental
human rights; to uphold respect for international law; and to promote social
progress and better standards of life. UN’s original vision was built on four pillars;
the first three – peace, development and human rights – have become increasingly
intertwined and support a consistent and integrated framework of national and
international priorities. The UN’s fourth founding pillar – sovereign independence
– although largely achieved during the UN’s first two decades through
decolonization, is now under scrutiny because of a concern for ‘reasonable limits’
on state sovereignty. The United Nations acts, to pursue its objectives, in
accordance with the following principles.
It is based on the sovereign equality of all its members
All members are to fulfill in good faith their Charter obligations
They are to settle their international disputes by peaceful means and without
endangering international peace and security and justice
They are to refrain from the threat or use of force against any other state
Neither they nor any member or the UN should interfere in domestic matters
of any State
To enable the UN to achieve its stated purposes and objectives the organization
has been equipped with following six main organs.
163
Role and Functions of the
United Nations 12.2.1 General Assembly
The GeneralAssembly, perhaps the closest approximation of a world parliament,
is the main deliberative and legislative body. It is designed to utilize the timehonoured technique of resolving problems by free and frank discussions and as
per the provisions of the customary international law. It is to function as the
world’s permanent forum and a meeting place. It is created on the assumption
that “war of words” is better than war fought with bombs and weapons. All the
UN Members are represented in it; and each has one vote on the basis of sovereign
equality. Decisions on ordinary matters are taken by simple majority. Important
questions require two third of the votes. The Assembly has the right to discuss
and make recommendations on all matters within the scope of the UN Charter.
Its decisions are not binding on member States, but they carry the weight of law,
ethics and world public opinion. Thus, it does not legislate like national parliament.
But in the meeting rooms and corridors of the UN, representatives of almost all
countries of the world – large and small, rich and poor, from diverse political and
social systems – have a voice and vote in shaping the policies of the international
community.
12.2.2 Security Council
The Security Council is the organ to which the Charter gives primary responsibility
for maintaining international peace and security. It can be convened at any time,
even at midnight when peace is threatened. Member States are obligated to carry
out its decisions. It has 15 members. Five of these – China, France, the Russian
Federation, the UK, and the US – are permanent members, known as P5; they
are also the nuclear weapons states. The other 10 are elected by the Assembly for
a two year term. A decision cannot be taken if there is “no” or negative vote by a
permanent member (known as “veto”) on substantive questions. In common
parlance, veto is known in the UN Charter as “Great Power unanimity” rule.
When a threat to peace is brought before the Council, it usually first asks the
parties to reach agreement by peaceful means. The Council may undertake
mediation or set forth principles for settlement. It may request the Secretary
General to investigate and report on a situation. If fighting breaks out, the Council
tries to secure a ceasefire. It may send peace-keeping units (observers or troops)
to troubled areas, with the consent of the parties involved, to reduce tension and
keep opposing forces apart. Unlike the General Assembly resolutions, its decisions
are binding and it has the power to enforce its decisions by imposing economic
sanctions and by ordering military action under the principle of “collective
security”.
12.2.3 Economic and Social Council
Absence or prevention of war does not automatically ensure a peaceful
international system. To diminish the underlying causes of future conflicts that
might lead to such threats to the peace or breach of peace, the founding fathers of
the UN also provided mechanisms for economic and social progress and
development and to promote higher standards of living. This job has been assigned
to the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) – third main organ of UN. The
ECOSOC has 54 members. It usually holds two-month long session each year. It
coordinates the economic and social work of the UN and other specialized
agencies and institutions – together known as the UN Family or simply as the
164
International Organisations UN System. It recommends and directs activities aimed at, among others,
promoting economic growth of developing countries, administering development
and humanitarian assistance projects, promoting the observance of human rights,
ending discrimination against minorities, spreading the benefits of science and
technology, and fostering world cooperation in areas such as better housing,
family planning and crime prevention.
Let us elaborate what constitutes the UN System. It consists of the UN, its 15
Specialized Agencies, and its various programmes. Following Specialized
Agencies are part of the UN System: ILO (International Labour Organization),
FAO (Food and Agriculture Organization), UNESCO (United Nations
Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization,) WHO (World Health
Organization), IBRD (International Bank Reconstruction and Development –
the World Bank), IMF (International Monetary Fund), ICAO (International Civil
Aviation Organization), IMO (International Maritime Organization), ITU
(International Telecommunication Union), UPU (Universal Postal Union)WMO
(World Meteorological Organization), WIPO (World Intellectual Property
Organization), IFAD (International Fundfor Agricultural Development), UNIDO
(United Nations Industrial Development Organization), UNWTO (World Tourism
Organization).
UN Programmes and Funds include, UNCTAD (United Nations Conference on
Trade and Development), ITC (International Trade Centre), UNDP (United
Nations Development Programme), UNCDF (United Nations Capital
Development Fund), UNV (United Nations Volunteers), UNEP (United Nations
Environment Programme), UNFPA (United Nations Population Fund) UNHABITAT (United Nations Human Settlements Programme), UNHCR (Office
of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), UNICEF (United
Nations Children’s Fund), UNODC (United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime),
UNRWA (United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in
the Near East) UN-Women (United Nations Entity for Gender Equality, and the
Empowerment of Women), and WFP World Food Programme.
It must be noted that the Specialized Agencies and UN Programmes and Funds
work under ECOSOC and report to it.
12.2.4 The Trusteeship Council
The Trusteeship Council was created to supervise the administration of 11 Trust
Territories and to ensure that Governments responsible for their administration
take adequate steps to prepare them for self-government and independence. It is
gratifying to note that all these territories had attained independence by the end
of 1994 and now this body has little work.
12.2.5 The International Court of Justice
The International Court of Justice consists of 15 judges who are elected
concurrently by the General Assembly and the Security Council. It resolves legal
issues and interprets international treaties.
12.2.6 The Secretariat
The Secretariat is the sixth main organ of the UN. It consists of a SecretaryGeneral and other staff and personnel who run the UN administration and carry
165
Role and Functions of the
United Nations out day-to-day work of the UN. Staff members are drawn from 193 members of
UN. As international civil servants, they work for the UN as a whole, and pledge
not to take or seek instructions from any government or outside authority. Calling
upon some 41,000 staff members worldwide, the Secretariat services the other
principal organs of the UN and administers the programmes and policies
established by them. At its head is the Secretary-General, who is appointed by
the General Assembly on the recommendation of the Security Council. Till now
the office of the Secretary-General has been occupied by nine incumbents: Trygve
Lie (Norway), Dag Hammarskjold (Sweden), U. Thant (Myanmar), Kurt
Waldheim (Austria), Javier Perez de Cuellar (Peru), Boutros Boutros Ghali
(Egypt), Kofi Annan (Ghana), Ban Ki-moon (Republic of Korea) and Antonio
Guterres (Greece).
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.
ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1) Why the United Nations has been established by the international
community?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
12.3 ROLE OF THE UN SYSTEM IN ACHIEVING
PEACE AND SOCIO-ECONOMIC
DEVELOPMENT
In spite of the careful framing of the UN Charter, the UN was unable to solve
many problems of the world due to the Cold War between the US and the former
USSR. On the other hand, it played an important role in a number of international
crises by arranging ceasefires and negotiations, and by providing peacekeeping
forces. Its successes in non-political work care of refugees, protection of human
rights, economic planning and attempts to deal with problems of world health,
population and famine have been enormous. The Security Council of the UN is
its principal organ to maintain international peace and security. The Council
works on the principle of “collective security”. This concept treats the aggression
of one state against the other States as an attack on all member States of the UN.
It allows the Security Council to take action against the aggressor only when
five of its permanent members (which are great Powers) the US, USSR, France,
China and Britain are unanimous on such action. Any negative vote (veto) will
prevent such action. Any veto will kill the concept of collective security. The
Council was paralyzed many times by use of veto during the Cold War (1945-
1991). In order to secure some action in case of a veto by one of the P5 countries,
the General Assembly (GA) (at the time of the Korean War in 1950) introduced
the “Uniting for Peace” Resolution. This resolution stated that if the Security
Council’s proposals were vetoed, the GA could meet within 24 hours and decide

what action to take, even military intervention if necessary. In cases like this, a
decision by the Assembly would only need a two-thirds majority. Again this new
rule was not incorporated in the UN Charter, and the USSR, which exercised
more vetoes than any P5 states, always maintained that a Security Council veto
should take precedence over a GA decision. Nevertheless, the Assembly acted in
this way many times, ignoring Russian protests.
How successful has been the UN as a peacekeeping organization? Although it
has had mixed success, it is probably fair to say that the UN has been more
successful than the League of Nations in its peacekeeping efforts, especially in
crises which did not directly involve the interests of the great powers, such as the
civil war in the Congo (1960-64). On the other hand, it has often been ineffective
like the League in situations where the interests of one of the great powers –
were involved (e.g., the 1956 Hungarian crisis and the 1968 Czech crisis). The
best way to illustrate the UN’s varying degrees of success is to examine some of
the major disputes (both during the Cold War and post-Cold War) in which it has
been involved.
A) Palestine (1947 – Till Present): The dispute between Jews and the Arabs
in Palestine was brought before the UN in 1947. After an investigation, the
UN decided to divide Palestine, setting up the Jewish state of Israel. This
was one of the most controversial UN decisions, and it was not accepted
the Arab states. The UN was unable to prevent three Arab-Israeli wars (1948-
49, 1967 and 1973) over the question of Palestine. However, it did useful
work arranging ceasefires and providing supervisory forces, and caring for
the Arab refugees. Due to strong US support to Israel and the disunity among
Arab states, the UN has not been able to resolve the Palestine issue till date.
B) The Korean War (1950-53): This was the only occasion on which the UN
was able to take decisive action in a crisis directly involving the interests of
one of the superpowers. When South Korea was invaded by communist
North Korea in June 1950, the Security Council immediately passed a
resolution condemning North Korea, and called on UN members to send
help to South Korea. However, this was possible because the USSR was
boycotting UNSC meeting in protest at the failure of allow PRC to join the
UN. Although the Russian delegates returned soon (to cast its veto), it was
too late for them to prevent action going ahead. Troops of 16 countries
were able to repel the invasion and preserve the borders between the two
Koreas along the 38th parallel. Though this was claimed by the West as a
great success, it was in fact very much the American operation the vast
majority of troops and the Commander-in-Chief, General MacArthur, were
American, and the US government had already decided to intervene with
force the day before the Security Council vote was taken. Only the absence
of the Russians enabled the USA to turn it into a UN operation. When the
USSR started vetoing further resolutions against North Korea, the General
Assembly passed its famous resolution, “Uniting for Peace”, as discussed
above.
C) The Suez Crisis (1956): On the sudden nationalization of Suez Canal by
President Nasser of Egypt in 1956, Egypt was attacked by Britain and France
(which owned shares in Suez Canal Company) and Israel. When the Security
Council resolution condemning use of force by Britain and France was
vetoed, the General Assembly under “Uniting for Peace” resolution not
167
Role and Functions of the
United Nations only condemned the invasion (by majority of 64 to 5) but also called for a
withdrawal of troops. In view of the weight of opinion against them, the
aggressors agreed to withdraw, provided the UN ensured a reasonable
settlement over the Canal and kept away the Arabs and Israelis from
slaughtering each other. The UN General Assembly sent UN Peace Keeping
forces (5000 peacekeeping soldiers) to Egypt to supervise ceasefire
agreement. The Canadian diplomat, Lester Pearson, had invented the idea
of Peacekeeping. He received Nobel Peace Prize later for his contribution
to world peace. The UN was quite successful in maintaining peace in the
region, though Russian and American pressure was also important in bringing
about ceasefire. However, the UN was not so successful in the 1967 ArabIsraeli conflict.
D) The Iran-Iraq War (1980-88): The UN was successful in bringing an end
to the long-drawn-out war between Iran and Iraq. After years of attempting
to mediate, the UN at last negotiated a ceasefire, though admittedly they
were helped by the fact that both sides were close to exhaustion.
E) The 1991 Gulf War: UN action on the war was impressive. When Saddam
Hussain of Iraq sent his troops to invade and capture the tiny, but extremely
rich, neighbouring state of Kuwait (August 1990), the UNSC wanted him
to withdraw or face the consequences. When he refused, a large UN force
was sent to Kuwait. In a short decisive campaign, Iraqi troops were driven
out, suffering heavy losses, and Kuwait was liberated. However, the critics
of the UN complained that Kuwait had received help only because the West
needed her oil supplies. Other small states, like East Timor (which was
taken over by Indonesia in 1975) did not receive help.
Why the UN is not so successful in enforcing peace in the world? There are five
reasons, given below.
The lack of a permanent UN army
Lack of unanimity among P5
Veto power of P5
Shortage of funds and
Non-cooperation of member states
Economic and Social Development
Although most people associate the United Nations with the issues of peace and
security, the vast majority of the organization’s resources are in fact devoted to
advancing the Charter’spledge to “promote higher standards of living, full
employment, and conditions of economic and social progress and development”.
United Nations development efforts have profoundly affected the lives and wellbeing of millions of people throughout the world. Guiding the UN endeavours is
the conviction that lasting international peace and security are possible only if
the economic and social well-being of people everywhere is assured. Many of
the economic and social transformations that have taken place globally since
1945 have been significantly affected in their direction and shape by the work of
the United Nations. As the global centre for consensus-building, the UN has set
priorities and goals for international cooperation to assist countries in their
development efforts and to foster a supportive global economic environment.
168
International Organisations The UN has provided a platform for formulating and promoting key new
developmental objectives on the international agenda through a series of global
conferences. It has articulated the need for incorporating issues such as the
advancement of women, human rights, sustainable development, environmental
protection and good governance into the development paradigm. Over the years,
the world view of development has changed. Today, countries agree that
‘sustainable development’ – development that promotes prosperity and economic
opportunity, greater social wellbeing, and protection of environment – offers the
best path forward for improving the lives of people everywhere.
At their Millennium Summit in 2000, member states adopted the Millennium
Declaration, which contained a set of wide-ranging goals for the future course
of the UN. The Declaration was translated into a roadmap that included eight
time-boundand measurable goals to be reached by 2015, known as the Millennium
Development Goals (MDGs). The MDGs aim to eradicate extreme poverty and
hunger; achieve universal primary education; promote gender equality and the
empowerment of women; reduce child mortality; improve maternal health; combat
HIV/AIDS, malaria and other diseases; ensure environmental sustainability; and
develop a global partnership for development. In September 2015, world leaders
adopted the 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) of the ‘2030 Agenda for
Sustainable Development’. The 2030 Agenda officially came into force on 1
January 2016, marking a new course for the UN towards ending poverty,
protecting the planet and ensuring prosperity for all by 2030. Three other accords
adopted in 2015 play critical roles in the global development agenda: the Addis
Ababa Action Agenda on financing for development, the Paris Agreement on
climate change and the Sendai Framework on disaster risk reduction.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.
ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1) Why the UN has been less successful in promoting international peace?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
12.4 ACHIEVEMENTS AND FAILURES OF THE
UN
The United Nations was created to save succeeding generations from the scourge
of war, protect human rights, maintain international peace and security, and uphold
international law. It history is marked with many successes, but also
disappointments. We need to look at both sides so that we can make the UN
more effective in the future. This section lists some of its achievements and
failures.
169
Role and Functions of the
United Nations
12.4.1 Achievements of the UN
A) One of the greatest achievements of the UN is its role in the field of
decolonization. It gave inspiration to millions of Africans and Asians, who
were under colonial rule, to claim the right of self-determination and
independence. When the UN was founded in 1945, 80 of the present UN
members were colonies. The UN helped many of them, having 750 million
people, to achieve independence. With this development the International
Relations have been democratized.
B) The UN has an impressive record of resolving many international conflicts.
U.N. peacekeepers have, since 1945, undertaken over 60 field missions and
negotiated 172 peaceful settlements that ended regional conflicts. Right
now, peacekeepers are in 20 hot spots around the world trying to save lives
and avert wars.
C) One of the most significant achievements of the UN is the creation of a
comprehensive body of human rights law – a universal and internationally
protected code to which all nations can subscribe and all people aspire. It
has defined a broad range of internationally accepted rights, including civil,
political, economic, cultural and social rights. It has International Bill of
Human Rights (consisting of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
1948, and the two International Covenants on civil and political, economic,
social and cultural rights, 1966). Besides the International Bill of Rights, it
has adopted nearly 80 human rights treaties or declarations. It has also
established mechanisms to promote and protect these rights and to assist
states in carrying out their responsibilities.
D) More international law has been created through the UN in last seven decades
than in the entire previous history of humankind. It has made major
contributions towards expanding the rule of law among nations through the
codification of international law.
E) Today the UN provides food and assistance to 80 million people in 80
countries, supplies vaccine to millions of children and helps save 3 million
lives a year, and assists and protects 67.7 million people fleeing war, famine
and persecution. It fights extreme poverty, helping improve the lives of
more than one billion people. It supports maternal health, helping over 1
million women a month overcome pregnancy risks.
F) It works with 195 nations to keep the global temperature rise below 2°C/
3.6 F.
G) UN keeps peace with 104, 000 peacekeepers in 14 operations around the
world.
H) It tackles the global water crisis affecting over 2 billion people worldwide.
I) It coordinates US $24.7 billion appeal for the humanitarian needs of 145
million people.
J) It uses diplomacy to prevent conflict; assists some 50 countries a year with
their elections.
K) UN’s success can be gauged from the fact that 12 Nobel Peace Prize have
been awarded to it, its specialized agencies, programmes and staff. This
170
International Organisations included an award in 1988 to the UN Peacekeeping Forces in 2001 to the
UN and its secretary-general, Kofi Annan. In 2020, Nobel Peace Prize was
awarded to World Food Program, a UN special agency that fights hunger
around the world.
L) The UN has made progress with its eight Millennium Development Goals,
which has been followed by 17 Sustainable Development Goals to enhance
social, environmental and economic progress by 2030.
M) Along similar lines, the UN’s International Court of Justice has resolved
major international disputes, but the UN’s veto powers have limited its
effectiveness at critical times.
12.4.2 Shortcomings of the UN
The UN is not without shortcomings. Following UN failures should be noted.
A) In 1970, when the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) was signed by
190 nations, all five superpowers owned nuclear weapons. Later, despite
the NPT and Partial Test Ban Treaty, several countries – North Korea, Israel,
Pakistan, and India – developed nuclear weapons. This revealed the UN’s
inability to enforce regulations on offending nations as well as promote the
goal of universal nuclear disarmament.
B) The International Criminal Court, established in 2002, has prosecuted several
war criminals – but it has been criticized for prosecuting only African leaders
while Western powers too have committed war crimes.
C) Dag Hammarskjold, Secretary-General from 1953-1961, said that the “UN
was not created to take mankind to heaven, but to save humanity from hell.”
The UN has solved many violent conflicts, prevented wars, and saved
millions of lives but it also faced disappointments.
D) In Rwanda, over 800,000 were massacred in 100 days. In 1995, Bosnian
Serb forces overran the “safe zone” of Srebrenica and massacred 8,000
Muslim men and boys. In Darfur, an estimated 300,000 Sudanese civilians
were killed. In Nigeria, Boko Haram has killed over 13,000 people.
E) A recent report by “Body Count” revealed that “in addition to one million
deaths in Iraq, an estimated 220,000 people have been killed in Afghanistan
and 80,000 in Pakistan as a result of US foreign policy”.
F) In recent years, Israel attacked homes, schools, hospitals, and U.N. shelters
in Gaza killing 2,200 Palestinians. Condemning that action, Navi Pillay,
former UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, said that “Israel was
deliberately defying international law in its military offensive in Gaza and
that world powers should hold it accountable for possible war crimes.” The
UN Security Council (SC) has failed as the United States vetoes any action
against Israel.
G) The Arab Spring in the Middle East caused thousands of deaths and regime
changes in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Yemen. Libya is devastated with over
40,000 deaths, and the civil war in Syria has killed over 220,000 people.
These wars have displaced over 50 million people. Now, ISIS has infiltrated
171
Role and Functions of the
United Nations these countries causing gruesome killings, human rights abuses, and war
crimes, at an unprecedented rate. These catastrophic events might have been
prevented if the Member States of the UN had the ability to resolutely act in
a timely manner. But the UN is not a world government, and it does not
have a standing army of peace-keepers ready for deployment. And, it is the
Member States that make decisions at the UN. These setbacks clearly reflect
the shortcomings of the UN Security Council, and its veto powers that allow
some members’ own interests to be placed ahead of the need to end a raging
conflict. Navi Pillay, addressing the Security Council, said that “short-term
geopolitical considerations and national interest, narrowly defined, have
repeatedly taken precedence over intolerable human suffering and grave
breaches of – and long-term threats to – international peace and security.”
H) During the last 75 years, geopolitics has changed drastically that call for
reform of the UN – to meet global needs and challenges of the 21st century.
I) Member States accuse the Security Council of being arrogant, secretive
and undemocratic but the veto powers resist change. Meanwhile, violations
of the UN Charter by powerful countries continue to erode the effectiveness
of the United Nations.
12.5 REFORMING OR RESTRUCTURING THE UN
SYSTEM
Since the meeting of the Heads of Government of the Security Council on 31
January 1992, a global debate on the restructuring of the UN System has begun.
Many proposals have been made in this regard. The main objective of such reform
proposals is to make the UN, specially its Security Council, more democratic,
efficient and adaptable to the changing international milieu. Since the UN
responsibilities and concerns are world-wide and are now expanding to virtually
every conceivable area of human activity, it is imperative to re-design the UN
structure so that it can meet the challenges of the 21st century. One of the
suggestions included that the Security Council should be expanded from 15 to
23 or 25, out of which 5 should be additional permanent members – two
industrialized countries (Japan and Germany), and three large developing
countries (Brazil, India and Nigeria). Names of South Africa, Egypt are also
discussed for permanent membership of the Council. More than 25 years have
passed since the debate of expanding Security Council began but no consensus
has emerged among P5 nations to come to any conclusion. However, some
administrative reforms were carried out by trimming the Secretariat during the
tenures of Kofi Annan and Ban Ki-moon.
It has been argued that the UN Security Council should be reformed so that it
becomes truly democratic. At the moment, only five veto power countries decide
the matters related to world politics. These five countries have their own
differences due to which they are not able to decide important matters. If the
UNSC has to be democratic, there should be more members in it from different
parts of the world. The UNSC reflects the reality of 1940s geopolitics when the
Second World War was being fought. The UNSC should reflect the contemporary
geopolitics in which new powers like India, Japan and Germany have risen and
play an important part in international relations. India is part of the G-4 grouping
along with Japan, Germany and Brazil which support each other as permanen.

members of the UNSC. This group seeks UNSC reform to make it more
democratic and representative. India’s claim to the permanent membership of
the UNSC is based on following.
Ancient Civilization with the philosophy of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam
(Whole World is a Family)
Pluralist Democracy
Status Quoist power
Responsible nuclear power
Economic Strength
One fifth of world’s population lives in India. To make the UNSC truly
democratic, India cannot be kept out of global decision making institutions.
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.
ii) See the end of the unit for tips for your answer.
1) List some important achievements of the the UN.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
12.6 LET US SUM UP
History has proved that the UN has become an irreplaceable part of international
relations and international community. It has been playing a significant, sometimes
historic, role in world politics. Its modest achievements listed in the Unit are
testimony to it. It is a fact that, as mandated by its Charter, the UN has prevented
another World War. The UN has made impressive and unprecedented progress in
all aspects of human development, bringing great benefits to millions of people
around the world. Our convoluted world needs the UN. The Security Council
must be reformed and strengthened to enable the UN as a whole to confront and
resolve complex challenges of our world. Former US President Obama has said,
the UN is imperfect, but it is also indispensable. UN’s contribution to ideas,
analysis, and policy making in the economic and social arena is one of its most
important achievements. UN’s thinking and ideas in these arenas have had a
major positive impact in many countries. Success and failures of the UN reflect
the strengths and weaknesses of commitment and support from both the member
states of the UN and the staff members. Let us conclude our discussion by quoting
Jussi M Hanhimaki (The United Nations: A Very Short Introduction) who wrote:
In the end, the UN cannot and should not be expected to offer solutions to all of
the world’s ills. It does much good humanitarian work and often provides ways
of easing tension and solving crises. It often enables people stuck in poverty to
improve their lot. The UN is hardly perfect. But it remains an indispensable
organization even as its behavior and effectiveness – much like that of individual
countries – is in constant need of improvement.
173
Role and Functions of the 12.7 REFERENCES United Nations
Bailey, Sydney D. (1989). The United Nations: A Short Political Guide, 2nd edition.
London: Macmillan.
Baehr, Peter R. and Gordenker, Leon. (2005). The United Nations: Reality and
Ideal, 4th edition. London: Palgrave Macmillan.
Hanhimaki, Jussi M. (2008). The United Nations — A Very Short Introduction.
New Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Karns, Margret, Mingst, Karen A. & Kendell, W. Stiles. (2016). International
Organizations: The Politics and Process of Global Governance, 3rd edition. New
Delhi: Viva Books.
Mingst, Karen A., Karns, Margret. (2012). The United Nations in the 21st Century,
4th edition. Boulder, Col.: Westview Press.
Moore, John Allphin & Pubantz, Jerry. (2006). The New United Nations –
International Organization in the twenty-First Century. New Delhi: Pearson
Education.
Roberts Adam and Kingslay, Benedict (eds.). (1988). United Nations, Divided
World: The UN’s Roles in International Relations. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Thakur, Ramesh (ed.). (1998). Past Imperfect, Future Uncertain: The United
Nations at Fifty. London: Macmillan.
“The United Nations at 70”, Special Issue, UN Chronicle, 2015, available at:
https://unchronicle.un.org/issue/united-nations-70
United Nations.(2017). Basic Facts about the United Nations, 42nd edition. New
York: United Nations Department of Public Information.
—————, The Essential UN (New York: United Nations Department of Public
Information, 2018), available for read only at: www.un.org/en/essential-un/ ; //
read.un-ilibrary.org
—————, The United Nations Today (New York: United Nations Department
of Public Information, 2008), Available for free download at: http://www.un.org/
ar/geninfo/pdf/UN.today.pdf
—————. (1996). The Blue Helmets: A Review of UN Peacekeeping, 3rd
edition. New York: United Nation.
Vijapur, Abdulrahim P. (1995). The United Nations at Fifty: Studies in Human
Rights. New Delhi: South Asian Publishers.
Weiss, Thomas & Ramesh Thakur. (2010). Global Governance and the United
Nations: An Unfinished Journey. Bloomington: Indiana University Press.
12.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
1) Your answer should highlight the following points
174
International Organisations The UN has prevented another World War
Active role in cooling off tensions between Super Powers and other
major Powers
Exemplary role in creating human rights norms, undertaking
humanitarian activities and tackling refugee problems
The UN is a forum where all countries meet to discuss issues important
for the world
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
1) Your answer should highlight the following points
The lack of a permanent UN army
Lack of unanimity among P5
Veto power of P5
Shortage of funds and
Non-cooperation of member states
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
1) Highlight the following
UN’s role in decolonization
Peacekeeping efforts and mission
Creation of Human Rights Law
Role in fighting hunger and poverty

UNIT 13 INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC United Nations
ORGANIZATIONS*
Structure
13.0 Objectives
13.1 Introduction
13.2 International Monetary Fund
13.2.1 Functions and Role of IMF
13.2.2 Operations of IMF and Its Shortcomings
13.3 World Bank
13.3.1 Organisation
13.3.2 Role of IBRD
13.3.3 Differences between IMF and World Bank
13.3.4 World Bank Operations
13.3.5 Globalization, World Bank and IMF
13.4 World Trade Organisation
13.4.1 Working of WTO
13.5 European Union
13.5.1 Organisational Setup
13.5.2 Brexit and Impact on EU
13.6 India and International Economic Organisations
13.7 Major Economic Crises after the Second World War
13.8 Let Us Sum Up
13.9 References
13.10 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
13.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit, you will be reading about international economic organisations and
financial institutions. After going through this Unit, you would be able to
understand:
Roles performed by IMF, World Bank and WTO in global financial,
developmental and trade matters
Importance of Regional Economic Organisations like the European Union
and
Major world economic crises and
13.1 INTRODUCTION
We begin with an easy question: What is economics? A simple answer is that
economics is the study of the production and distribution of goods and wealth.
How did the world organize itself in terms of finance? The earliest markets were
*
Prof. Satish Kumar, Dept. of Political Science, Central University of Haryana
176
International Organisations areas where people came together to simply exchange goods – primarily food or
financial items. From roughly the fifteenth century, Europeans built upon
inventions and developments elsewhere to move from decentralised system of
agricultural production to state-centric and technologically enhanced forms of
capitalist industrialisation. Centralising European states promoted capitalist
arrangements that favoured the accumulation of wealth by a minority, whose
decision making power shaped the choices of and resources available to the
majority. Eventually, capitalist markets spread and extended worldwide. Capitalist
industrialisation, starting late 18th century, generated an unprecedented abundance,
but at considerable human and environmental cost.
Globalisation has been the buzzword for the past few decades. We know that
globalisation is powerfully affecting how life is lived and work is done throughout
the world. This becomes important to weigh how the world economy is organised?
Who are the actual winners and losers in this game? And what are the long term
consequences of this game? Immanuel Wallerstein had proposed the World System
Analysis. According to this theory, a modern world is made up of countries in
the ‘core’ (rich, developed nations of the north), the ‘periphery’ (underdeveloped
countries of the Third World or global south and the ‘semi-periphery’. The ‘semiperiphery’ covered the communist bloc countries of Europe. Since 1970s, a
fundamental shift took place, especially after the end of ideology and history
thesis. With the end of the Cold War, the capitalist structure became victorious.
The neoliberal theory argues for the international organisations to shape the world
economy. Therefore, this Unit deliberates upon the leading financial international
organisations which shape the world and frame the rules. It is imperative to
study the different international organisations and their structures. It is equally
important to see whether the changes brought by these financial institutions are
in the larger interests of the world or not? What are the major shortcomings?
What distinguish contemporary capitalism are its unprecedented global reach,
and its ability to shape. The IMF, World Bank along with WTO shapes the contours
of world economy and finance. These are made to facilitate the flow of goods
smoothly and create a balanced system. But does it happen? These fundamental
questions need to be explored.
13.2 INTERNATIONAL MONETARY FUND
In an effort to rebuild the international economic system in the wake of World
War II, delegates from Allied nations established the International Monetary Fund
(IMF) and World Bank with the Bretton Woods Agreement, in 1945. Some
730 delegates from all 44 Allied nations gathered at the Mount Washington Hotel
in Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, to determine how to regulate the international
monetary and financial order after World War II. The delegates at Bretton Woods
largely subscribed to theidea proposed by the US President Woodrow Wilson
back in 1918 that free trade promoted global prosperity and peace. They were
convinced that the policies adopted to combat the Great Depression in the 1930s
and early 1940s—high tariffs, currency devaluations, discriminatory trading
blocs—resulted in a precarious international environment. The determination,
then, was that economic cooperation was the only way to achieve peace and
prosperity. The International Monetary Fund is a global organisation. Its primary
aim is to help stabilise exchange rates and provide loans to countries in need.
Nearly all members of the United Nations are members of the IMF with a few
exceptions such as Cuba, Lichtenstein and Andorra.
177
International Economic
Organisations
13.2.1 Functions and Role of IMF
IMF performs the following functions.
i) International monetary cooperation
ii) To promote exchange rate stability
iii) To help deal with balance of payments adjustment and
iv) To help deal with economic crisis by providing international coordination –
loans, plus advice.
In practice, IMF does the followings:
i) Economic surveillance and monitoring: IMF produces reports on member
countries’ economies and suggests areas of weakness / possible danger e.g.
unbalanced economies with large current account deficit/excess debt levels.
The idea is to work on ‘crisis prevention’ by highlighting areas of economic
imbalance.
ii) Loans to countries with a financial crisis: The IMF has $300 billion of
loanable funds. This comes from member-countries who deposit a certain
amount at the time of joining the Fund. In times of financial/economic crisis,
the IMF may be willing to make available loans as part of a financial
readjustment. The IMF has arranged more than US $180 billion in ‘bailout’
packages since 1997.
iii) Conditional loans/structural adjustment:. When giving loans, the IMF
usually insists on certain criteria to be met, these can include policies to
reduce inflation (tightening of monetary policy). These are called
‘conditionalities’.
iv) Technical assistance and economic training: The IMF produces many
reports and publications. They can also offer support for local economies.
13.2.2 Operations of IMF and Its Shortcomings
How is the IMF financed? The IMF is financed by member countries who
contribute funds on joining. They can also increase this throughout their
membership. The IMF can also ask its member countries for more money. IMF
financial resources have risen from about $50 billion in 1950 to nearly $300
billion till 2018, sourced from contributions from its 183 members. This initial
amount depends on the size of the country’s economy, for ex, the US deposited
the largest amount with the IMF. The US currently has 16 per cent of voting
rights at the IMF, a reflection of its quotas deposited with IMF. The UK has 4 per
cent of IMF voting rights. IMF has weighted voting system.What about IMF
operations? The IMF has gone through two distinct phases in its history. During
the first phase, ending in 1973, the IMF oversaw the adoption of general
convertibility among the major currencies, supervised a system of fixed exchange
rates tied to the value of gold, and provided short-term financing to countries in
need of a quick infusion of foreign exchange to keep their currencies at par value
or to adjust to changing economic circumstances. Difficulties encountered in
maintaining a system of fixed exchange rates gave rise to unstable monetary and
financial conditions throughout the world and led the international community
to reconsider how the IMF could most effectively function in a regime of flexible
178
International Organisations exchange rates. After five years of analysis and negotiation (1973-78), the IMF’s
second phase began with the amendment of its constitution in 1978, broadening
its functions to enable it to grapple with the challenges that have arisen since the
collapse of the par value system. These functions are three.
First, the IMF continues to urge its members to allow their national currencies to
be exchanged without restriction for the currencies of other member countries.
Second, in place of monitoring members’ compliance with their obligations in a
fixed exchange system, the IMF supervises economic policies that influence
their balance of payments in the presently legalized flexible exchange rate
environment. This supervision provides opportunities for an early warning of
any exchange rate or balance of payments problem. In this, the IMF’s role is
principally advisory. Third, the IMF continues to provide short- and mediumterm financial assistance to member nations that run into temporary balance of
payments difficulties.
Shortcomings of IMF: Three shortcomings are notable.
A) The Fund provides short term finance to its members to tackle Balance of
Payments (BoP) disequilibrium. For this purpose, it adopted an adjustable
peg system in the first phase of its life. But it failed to establish a stable
exchange rate.
B) Secondly, the Fund imposes conditions on the poor countries while
sanctioning loans. Now, it is ignoring its central concern—exchange rate
management and BoP problems. It is now championing the issue of ‘market
principle’. It suggests poor developing countries to cut expenditureborrowing-subsidy, raise prices of state enterprises, privatisation of stateowned enterprises, etc. If such measures, most popularly known as structural
adjustment programmes, are adopted only then IMF credit would follow.
Most of these measures are anti-people in character. It is said that Third
World debt crisis is due to the Fund’s policies and working.
C) Thirdly, the Fund has failed to eliminate foreign exchange restrictions
imposed by its members that hamper the growth of trade.
Structural Adjustment Programme
A key component of neoliberal globalisation is a reliance on Structural
Adjustment Programme, the package of economic measures sponsored by
the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank to tackle the
problem of poverty and underdevelopment in debt-striken countries..
Typically, these measures consist of fiscal discipline and the tightening of
monetary policy, combined with an expansion of trade liberalisation and
privatisation of the domestic economy. Within the neoliberal framework,
debt-relief is linked to Structural Adjustment Programmes: the greater the
compliance, the greater the support from the international donor community.
In practice, Structural Adjustment Programmes have invariably hurt the more
vulnerable sections of the society as they reward those who have better
capability to profit from opportunities presented by the market. The poor are
on a weaker footing to compete, and hence more likely to suffer from welfare
retrenchment, which is often the operational effect of Structural Adjustment
Programmes

Check Your Progress Exercise 1
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answers.
ii) See the end of Unit for tips for your answer.
1) Explain in brief the role of IMF.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
13.3 WORLD BANK
13.3.1 Organization
Founded in 1944, the World Bank Group works with international institutions,
regional banks and national governments for developmental tasks. The
organization covers a wide range of sectors, from poverty reduction,
developmental finance and education to climate change. Over the past 70 years,
it has helped people in more than 100 developing countries. The role of the
World Bank is to address failures in international markets and end poverty. It
offers grants, zero interest credits and low-interest loans or investments as well
as advice and training. Currently, it has over 10,000 employees and is comprised
of five institutions, including the International Finance Corporation (IFC) and
the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD). The
organization has been involved in more than 12,000 development projects since
its inception. Currently, its primary goal is to reduce the global extreme poverty
rate by 2030. Another function of the World Bank is to promote environmental
sustainability and green growth. Furthermore, its members sponsor and participate
in conferences and other events that tackle the world’s development challenges.
13.3.2 Role of IBRD
The World Bank offers loans, grants and other financial products through the
International Bank of Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) and the
International Development Association. The function of the IBRD is to promote
financial growth in middle- and low-income countries. In addition to loans, this
institution provides advisory services, risk management and technical support at
each stage of a project. Middle-income countries, such as Thailand and Indonesia,
have a lot of potential for growth and development. They attract foreign investment
and receive a large share of exports. Yet, they’re home to some of the world’s
poorest people. The role of the World Bank and the IBRD is to invest in these
countries and provide them with the best global expertise so they can grow and
overcome challenges.
13.3.3 Differences between IMF and the World Bank
The IMF is small (about 2,300 staff members) and, unlike the World Bank, has
no affiliates or subsidiaries. Most of its staff members work at headquarters in
180
International Organisations Washington, D.C., although three small offices are maintained in Paris, Geneva,
and at the United Nations in New York. Its professional staff members are for the
most part economists and financial experts. The structure of the Bank is somewhat
more complex. The World Bank itself comprises of two major organizations: the
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development (IBRD) and the
International Development Association (IDA). Moreover, associated with, but
legally and financially separate from the World Bank are the International Finance
Corporation (IFC), which mobilizes funding for private enterprises in developing
countries, the International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes, and
the Multilateral Guarantee Agency. With over 7,000 staff members, the World
Bank Group is about three times as large as the IMF, and maintains about 40
offices throughout the world, although 95 percent of their staff works at its
Washington, D.C.
The World Bank mainly has a developmental function which aims to reduce
poverty and increase prosperity in developing and least developed countries.
The IMF monitors currencies and makes efforts to stabilize international monetary
system.
13.3.4 World Bank Operations
The World Bank exists to encourage poor countries to develop by providing
them with technical assistance and funding for projects and policies that will
realize the countries’ economic potential. The Bank views development as a
long-term, integrated endeavour. During the first two decades of its existence,
two thirds of the assistance provided by the Bank went to electric power and
transportation projects. Although these so-called infrastructure projects remain
important, the Bank has diversified its activities in recent years as it has gained
experience with and acquired new insights into the development process.The
Bank gives particular attention to projects that can directly benefit the poorest
people in developing countries. The direct involvement of the poorest in economic
activity is being promoted through lending for agriculture and rural development,
small-scale enterprises, and urban development. The Bank is helping the poor to
be more productive and to gain access to such necessities as safe water and
waste-disposal facilities, health care, family-planning assistance, nutrition,
education, and housing. Within infrastructure projects there have also been
changes. In transportation projects, greater attention is given to constructing farmto-market roads. The Bank provides most of its financial and technical assistance
to developing countries by supporting specific projects. Although IBRD loans
and IDA credits are made on different financial terms, the two institutions use
the same standards in assessing the soundness of projects. The decision whether
a project will receive IBRD or IDA financing depends on the economic condition
of the country and not on the characteristics of the project.
13.3.5 Globalization, World Bank and IMF
Globalization—the process through which an increasingly free flow of ideas,
people, goods, services, and capital leads to the integration of economies and
societies—is often viewed as an irreversible force, which is being imposed upon
the world by some countries and institutions such as the IMF and the World
Bank. However, that is not so: globalization represents a political choice in favour
of international economic integration, which for the most part has gone hand-in-
181
International Economic
Organisations hand with the consolidation of democracy. Precisely because it is a choice, it
may be challenged, and even reversed – but only at great cost to humanity. The
IMF believes that globalization has great potential to contribute to the growth
that is essential to achieve a sustained reduction of global poverty. The Bretton
Woods Institutions—the IMF and World Bank—have an important role to play
in making globalization work better. They were created in 1944 to help restore
and sustain the benefits of global integration, by promoting international economic
cooperation. Today, they pursue, within their respective mandates, the common
objective of broadly-shared prosperity. The World Bank concentrates on longterm investment projects, institution-building, and on social, environmental, and
poverty issues. The IMF focuses on the functioning of the international monetary
system, and on promoting sound macroeconomic policies as a precondition for
sustained economic growth.
The greatest asset that the Bretton Woods Institutions have in fulfilling these
objectives is their culture of consensus-building, which is based on trust and
mutual respect among the more than 180 countries—and their governments—
that make up their membership. However, both institutions also recognize the
need for change and internal reform. The IMF has implemented many reforms in
recent years, designed to strengthen its cooperative nature and improve its ability
to serve its membership. Many countries are still in the earliest stages of
integrating with the global economy. Even so, they must still shoulder the main
responsibility for making globalization work to their advantage.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
Note: i) Use the space given below for answers.
ii) See the end of Unit for tips for your answer.
1) Explain the role of World Bank.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
13.4 WORLD TRADE ORGANISATION
The World Trade Organization (WTO) came into being in 1995. One of the
youngest of the international organizations, the WTO is the successor to the
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) established in 1947. The
proposal of an International Trade Organization (ITO) to promote trade and reduce
or eliminate trade barriers did not succeed in 1947. GATT was an interim
agreement and it had several rounds of trade negotiations until the formation of
WTO in 1995. So while the WTO is relatively young, the multilateral trading
system that was originally set up under the GATT is over 70 years old. The
negotiations did not end there. In 1997, an agreement was reached on
telecommunications services, with 69 governments agreeing to wide-ranging
liberalization measures that went beyond those agreed in the Uruguay Round. In
the same year, 40 governments successfully concluded negotiations for tariff-
182
International Organisations free trade in information technology products, and 70 members concluded a
financial services deal covering more than 95 per cent of trade in banking,
insurance, securities and financial information. In 2000, new talks started on
agriculture and services. These were incorporated into a broader work programme,
the Doha Development Agenda, launched at the fourth WTO Ministerial
Conference in Doha, Qatar, in November 2001. At the 9th Ministerial Conference
in Bali in 2013, WTO members struck the Agreement on Trade Facilitation,
which aims to reduce border delays by slashing red tape. The World Trade
Organization is a global organization made up of 164 member countries that deals
with the rules of trade between nations. Its goal is to ensure that trade flows as
smoothly and predictably as possible. As part of his broader attempts to
renegotiate the United States’ global trade deals, President Donald Trump has
threatened to withdraw from the WTO, calling it a “disaster”. If the US were to
withdraw, trillions of dollars in global trade would be disrupted.
13.4.1 Working of WTO
Decisions are made by consensus, (though a majority vote may also rule). Based
in Geneva, Switzerland, the Ministerial Committee, which holds meetings at
least every two years, makes the top decisions. There is also a Goods Council,
Services Council, and Intellectual Property Rights Council, which all report to
the General Council of the WTO. Finally, there are many working groups and
committees. If a trade dispute occurs, the WTO works to resolve it. If for example,
a country erects a trade barrier in the form of a customs duty against a particular
country or a particular good, the WTO may issue trade sanctions against the
violating country. The WTO also works to resolve the conflict through
negotiations. As most investment flows from the developed and economically
powerful countries into the developing and less-influential economies, there is,
however, a tendency for the system to give the investor an advantage. Regulations
that facilitate the investment process are in the investor’s interest because these
regulations help foreign investors maintain an edge over local competition. In
2017, as several countries, including the United States strengthened their
protectionist stance on trade, the future of the World Trade Organization remains
complex. The Doha Round began in 2000. It focused on improving trade
in agriculture and services and expanded to include emerging markets, including
countries at the fourth WTO Ministerial Conference in Doha, Qatar, in
November 2001.
13.5 EUROPEAN UNION
What is the European Union (EU)? European Union’s purpose is to promote
peace, and establish a unified economic and monetary system. Its mandate is
also to promote inclusion and combat discrimination; break down of barriers to
trade and borders; to encourage technological and scientific developments;
champion environmental protection; and, among others, to promote goals like a
competitive global market and social progress. So, put simply, the European
Union is a coalition of 27 European countries, designed to tear down trade,
economic and social barriers and promote prosperity and development in these
areas. Established in 1993, the European Union’s headquarters are currently
located in Brussels, Belgium. In the post-World War II world, the European Union
sought to bolster the individual and collective economic and social well-being
of the countries involved, as well as establish a cohesive global marketplace that
183
International Economic
Organisations promotes trade and other social values. Still, the European Union functions by a
three-pronged governing system including a Council, a Parliament, and a
Commission, and uses a common currency called the ‘Euro’.
Despite not being officially formed until 1993, the European Union’s foundations
actually reach further back to 1957, when the European Economic Community
was established. The EEC was formed out of a previous group called the European
Coal and Steel Community – which had its own start in 1951. Among other things,
the EEC was designed to help break down trade barriers between countries in
Europe, protect from private trade agreements that could diminish competition,
and establish common agricultural and trade agreements and standards. The
countries that comprised the EEC included Ireland, the United Kingdom,
Denmark, the Netherlands, Belgium, Luxembourg, France, West Germany (and
later East), Italy, Portugal, Spain and Greece. However, it wasn’t until 1993 that
the EEC morphed into the European Union following the new Maastricht Treaty
(also known as the Treaty on European Union).
European Union vs. Euro Zone: Still, the European Union is not the same
thing as Euro Zone which was created in 2005, is simply the collection of all the
countries that use the Euro as a currency. But despite the common pledge of EU
members to eventually switch over to using Euros, only 19 of the current 27 EU
countries use the Euro.
13.5.1 Organisational Setup
As mentioned earlier, the European Union is governed by three main bodies –
the EU Council, the EU Parliament and the EU Commission. The Council’s
main job is to create and propose new policies and legislation for the European
Union. It operates under a different EU president every six months. The
Parliament then debates and passes the laws proposed by the Council, electing
members once every five years. Finally, the Commission enforces and operates
the laws for the European Union. Euro is reportedly the second most-used currency
in the world. Once established, the Euro has replaced many of Europe’s leading
currencies, including French and Italian currencies like the Franc and Lira, to
name a few.
13.5.2 Brexit and Impact on EU
England has voted to exit from the European Union and leave it – infamously
coining the term “Brexit” for the British exit from the EU. Although Brexit may
prove to be more harmful to Britain than the European Union, there have still
been rippling impacts on the EU in the post-Brexit world. Certain countries in
the EU could face huge economic losses, including Ireland and Germany, who
both could stand to lose over 10 per cent and 5 per cent of GDP, respectively.
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answers.
ii) See the end of Unit for tips for your answer.
1) Explain the role of European Union.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
184
International Organisations 13.6 INDIA AND INTERNATIIONAL FINANCIAL
OGANISATIONS
The first prime minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru observed that the foreign
policy is the outcome of economic policy. The background of Indian economy
had a solid base. In the year 1700, India accounted for 32.9 percent of total world
GDP. India’s largest exports being cotton and textiles, spices, precious stones,
rice and silk. India’s decline after 1700 has been variously attributed to the waning
of the Mughal Empire, India’s de-industrialisation, British colonialism and the
rise of the United States as an economic power. From the 1950s to the 1980s,
GDP growth had averaged 4 per cent per year, which the noted economist Raj
Krishna derided as the ‘Hindu rate of growth’. Till 1991 India had a closed
economy. In June, 1991 India had only limited foreign exchange reserves to pay
for three more weeks of imports. Under the new government of Narasimha Rao,
a stabilisation package led by then Finance Minister Manmohan Singh was
introduced to increase competitiveness, efficiency and productivity in the Indian
economy. Through the New Industrial Policy Statement of 1991, the government
monopolies ended on power, oil, hydrocarbons, air transport and
telecommunication. Licence requisition was abolished in the key 15 sectors. The
Indian government’s three year plan of structural reforms of fiscal, monetary,
industrial and agricultural policies continued to gain ground in the early years of
the post-Cold War. Having a market-led, globalising economy was projected by
India’s leaders as part of a new development paradigm, aimed at alleviating
poverty, illiteracy and unemployment. Therefore, India joined the World Trade
Organisation (WTO) on 1 January 1995 and became more active in the 1MF (of
which it was one of the original members in 1945). Global economic engagement
has therefore become indispensible for Indian foreign policy in terms of the
benefits of interaction, interdependence and synergy. Former Indian Prime
Minister Manmohan Singh categorically said,” if we do not increase the pace of
the country’s economic growth it must certainly affect our national security.”
The focus of India was on trade diplomacy. India’s trading power can be converted
into political power via commercial diplomacy. In this regard, at the IMF, India
now commands a 2.34 per cent share of the overall vote, while in the World
Bank it is 2.91 per cent. Indian economist Kaushik Basu was also appointed as
the World Bank’s chief economist in October, 2012.
As far as India is concerned, it believes in centrality of WTO in global trade.
There have been efforts to move towards regional trade blocs but India believes
that WTO should remain the central platform for global trade. India also wants
reform of World Bank and IMF so that voices of developing economies are
reflected in their governance and management. The delay in their reforms was
the main reason why India proposed setting up of the BRICS Bank. All the
members in this bank have equal voting rights. .
13.7 MAJOR WORLD ECONOMIC CRISES AFTER
THE SECOND WORLD WAR
A) The International Debt Crisis lasted from 1981 to 1989. It covered nearly
20 countries around the world encompassing 30 different episodes. The 3
major East European countries affected were Poland, Romania and Hungary
and the 3 major Latin American countries affected were Brazil, Chile and Mexico. Each one faced serious debt problems but each one had unique
problems in origin and implications. Long-term growth in most heavily
indebted countries required innovation and broader strategy. The Baker Plan
was formulated to strengthen growth prospects of indebted countries and
was followed by the Brady Plan in the 1980s. Structural Adjustment
Programmes (SAPs) were introduced in Latin American countries with
disastrous results. SAPs caused lots of social dislocation and loss of
economic productive structures. By early 1990s, the economic development
strategy had shifted from import substitution model of development to
neoliberal economic growth strategy all over Latin America.
B) A major economic crisis struck many East Asian economies in 1997. The
East Asian economies, which were witnessing rapid growth and
improvement in living standards, got embroiled in a severe financial crisis.
The social costs of the IMF programmes in Indonesia, Thailand and Korea
were severe. Sharp price rises were witnessed in all 3 countries as a result
of large exchange rate depreciations and massive job losses were seen. Food
prices went up by 35 percent. Unemployment levels reached 12 percent in
Indonesia, 9 percent in Korea and 8 percent in Thailand.
C) In the mid 1990s, Russia was coming out of post-Soviet period to a market
economy. There was massive social dislocation, fall in living standards,
inflation in excess of 300 percent. Many Russians did not have savings for
basic necessities of life. Barter was prevalent in several parts of the economy
and the concept of debt repayment or legal enforcement was yet to be
established. The source of inflation lay in a lack of fiscal discipline –
Government ran huge budget deficits financed by the Central Bank of Russia.
There was large scale tax evasion and huge capital flight.
D) In 2008 severe recession unfolded in the United States and Europe which
was the deepest slump in the world economy since 1930 and first annual
contraction since the post-War period. The financial crisis which erupted in
2007 with the US sub-prime crisis deepened and entered a tumultuous phase
by 2008. The impact was felt across the global financial system including
in emerging markets. The 2008 deterioration of global economic performance
followed years of sustained expansion built on the increasing integration of
emerging and developing economies into the global economy.
13.8 LET US SUM UP
The world economic institutions have not brought the desired results. Poverty
remains a durable feature of world politics. Intergenerational economic inequality
has only deepend further. It has many reasons. The major reasons are self
dominated Western interests in running the institutions. The basic problem lies
in neoliberal prescriptions under the guidance of the above-mentioned institutions.
Now the politics along with economics have been changing. The Asia has become
the epic centres of economic centre. The China and India are emerging powers.
The natural resources are also found in Asia and Africa. The headquarters of all
the multilateral economic and financial institutions of the world are located in
the West. People working in higher echelons are also Americans or Europeans.
The structures and policies need to be modified. The IMF believes that economic
growth is the only way to improve living standards in developing countries, and
that this is best achieved through globalization.

13.9 REFERENCES
Colomer, Josep M. (2014). How Global Institutions Rule the World. New York:
Palgrave MacMillan.
Jenny Edkins and Maja Zehfuss. (2012). Global Politics: A New Introduction.
London: Routledge.
Lessambo, Felix. (2015). International Financial Institutionsand Their
Challenges. United States: Palgrave.
Patrick Weller & Xu Chong. (2015). Politics of International Organisations:
Views from Insider. New York: Routledge.
13.10 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
1) Your answer should highlight the following points
International monetary cooperation
to promote exchange rate stability
to help deal with balance of payments adjustment and
to help deal with economic crisis by providing international coordination
– loans, plus advice
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
1) Your answer should highlight the following points
Provides developmental assistance to poor countries
Sees development as a long-term, integrated endeavour
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
1) Your answer should highlight the following points
In the post-World War II world, the European Union sought to bolster
the individual and collective economic and social well-being of the
countries involved, as well as establish a cohesive global market place
that promotes trade and other social values
European Union functions by a three-pronged governing system
including a Council, a Parliament, and a Commission, and uses a
common currency called the ‘Euro’
187
International Economic UNIT 14 REGIONALISM AND NEW Organisations
REGIONALISM*
Structure
14.0 Objectives
14.1 Introduction
14.2 The Evolution of Regionalism
14.3 Factors Responsible for Regionalism
14.4 Features of Regionalism
14.5 New Regionalism
14.6 Critical Appraisal
14.7 Let Us Sum Up
14.8 References
14.9 Answers to Check Your Progress Exercises
14.0 OBJECTIVES
In this Unit, you will be reading about regionalism and new regionalism. After
going through the Unit, you would be able to understand the following.
The importance of regionalism in international relations
The circumstances and factors responsible for its evolution
Features of regional arrangements
New regionalism and its altered context, content and contours and
A critical appraisal of the regionalism and new regionalism and its relevance
in today’s international system
14.1 INTRODUCTION
The first important point to consider here is to delineate regionalism as a concept.
Regionalism in world politics refers to an attempt by countries in a geographical
region to seek greater cooperation and support in different areas of state activity
such as military, political, economic, and social-cultural interactions. At times,
the need for such cooperation gradually manifests itself in the form of demand
for establishing regional organizations. This phenomenon is also known as
regional integration. Thus, regionalism often leads to regional integration and
cooperation among the states in a particular region. Almost all the regions in the
world have experienced this phenomenon and its development has seen increased
emphasis since the 1990s. The next important point to ponder in this context is
whether regionalism is a ‘process’ or a ‘condition’. In a way, regionalism denotes
both a process and a condition. It is a condition in the realm of ideas and sentiments
when countries belonging to a region share a sense of affinity and belonging on
the basis of such shared attributes as historical experiences (such as colonialism
in Asia and Africa), economic conditions (economic underdevelopment in Latin
*
Prof. Savitri Kadloor, Dept of Political Science, Jamia Millia Islamia, New Delhi
188
International Organisations America), geographical contiguity, cultural similitude (tribal or linguistic affinity)
or shared perception of threat from a dominant power. These are some of the
conditions that encourage regional affinity and sentiment leading to formation
of a regional organization. Regionalism is also understood as a process when
certain efforts in a region are driven at tapping and consolidating the latent
affinities among the members to further the cause of closer cooperation and
integration, the process of drawing up a blue print of regional organization. The
import substitution industrialization (ISI) model of development followed in Latin
America in the 1950s convinced all the countries to go for closer economic
integration. Hence, regionalism as a phenomenon denotes both a condition and
process, both leading to bonds of cooperation and belonging.
14.2 EVOLUTION OF REGIONALISM
It is interesting to note that regional cooperation based on a sentiment of belonging
to the neighbourhood is not new. We see instances of regionalism ever since the
formation of organized political life. However, its most prominent avatar has
been visible only in the twentieth century, more importantly, after the end of the
First World War.
Conceptually speaking, a blueprint for cooperation was presented by David
Mitrany in his book, A Working Peace System published in 1943 in which he
proposed cooperation in technical areas of interdependence (he calls them
‘functional’ areas) so as to encourage greater interaction and closer relations
among member states. He believed that such interaction would eventually result
in habits of cooperation and deeper understanding among participating states
leading to a system interdependencies and linkages in other areas as well. This,
he thought, would lay the foundation for a peaceful working of the state system.
His approach to peace came to be known as the functionalist approach. It means
that one of the main factors responsible for the evolution of regionalism and
regional cooperation is the emergence and existence of growing interdependence
in technical and trade related interactions among the states. Gradually, when
member states find it beneficial to cooperate in some ‘functional’ areas, they
extend it to other areas of cooperation. This is known as the spillover effect. The
functionalist approach received most traction in Europe after the Second World
War since the European continent was witnessing the challenge of post-War
reconstruction and need for economic cooperation. What began as cooperation
in functional areas gained greater subscription and utility within the region of
Europe to transform into a regional organization. It started with the formation of
European Coal and Steel Community culminating in the regional European
Economic Community. During the 1960s, there was a vigorous attempt to mould
the functionalist approach to the specific needs of Europe by weaving political
cooperation into the economic and trade matrix. A cluster of regionalists led by
Ernst B Haas articulated the revised programme of functional cooperation
envisioned by Mitrany. Their approach came to be known as neofunctionalism
that underscored the inevitability of political element in the regional scheme of
cooperation if it were to result in regional integration.
Besides the functionalists and neofunctionalists, those subscribing to federalist
approach too supported regionalism as a viable programme. The federalists
attributed different reasons for their argument in favour of regionalism. To them,
regionalism and regional cooperation fulfilled the twin need for integration and
189
Regionalism and New
Regionalism decentralization. The European Federalists in particular talked of pooled
sovereignty (investing a slice of sovereignty in building and sustaining the regional
institutions) to pave the way for a larger federal entity and closer union modelled,
again, on the European Economic Community. Therefore, regionalism as an idea
and project received support and legitimacy from three important theoretical
approaches of the era, namely, the functionalist, the neofunctionalist and the
federalist approaches.
However, the European Economic Community (EEC) that gave wings to the
idea of European regionalism, and later brought to life that idea in concrete terms,
was largely limited to economic and trade issues for the first thirty years before
embarking on a more ambitious journey towards single currency and
harmonization of policies in such areas as travel and immigration (Schengen
visa) accompanied by a change in nomenclature from EEC to European Union.
Alongside the process of economic and trade cooperation through EEC, another
important development unfolded in Europe that had greater implications for
regionalism. The Council of Europe as a regional organization for political
cooperation was founded in 1949. It soon acquired status of being forerunner in
establishing common rights and standards for people of Europe irrespective of
their nationality. It was the first regional organization that established a regional
human rights system by adopting the first legally binding European Convention
on Human Rights in 1950 to protect civil and political rights of individuals in
addition to The European Social Charter in 1961. Thus, Council of Europe directed
its efforts towards upholding human rights, democracy and rule of law in Europe.
Rising competition between the West and the East in the context of Cold War
meant that the emergence of organizations for security cooperation was not far
behind or a distant goal; they arrived in the form of NATO and Warsaw Pact.
They remained the broad framework within which security cooperation and
protection of Europe evolved. The developments in Europe in terms of regional
organizations in economic, political and security areas provided the template for
similar organizations representing oneness and common goals to mushroom in
other regions of the world. However, the process of emulating European regional
cooperation in other regions of the world has been very uneven both in terms of
close (harmonizing policies and enacting commonly agreed enforceable laws)
and broader (extending to large number of issues and areas) cooperation. There
are many reasons responsible for this divergence. Regions other than Europe
that do not share the same level of uniformity in economic development,
ideological commitment or cultural and religious traditions have found it difficult
to replicate Europe’s level of success in regional cooperation and integration.
Also, all regions in the world are not geographically small and compact like
Europe. That is why we see sub-continental, sub-regional, smaller organizations
in large continents like Asia, Africa and Latin America. However, leaving aside
the unevenness and dissimilarity, there are regional organizations in every part
of the world that have symbolized regional aspirations and upheld the shared
goal of regionalism. Examples of cooperation can be ASEAN, SAARC, Arab
League, GCC, NAFTA and APEC etc. This brief description evidently shows
that while regionalism is prevalent in every part of the world in political, economic
and strategic areas, it also differs in its extent and depth of cooperation from one
region to another.
One more aspect related to the development of regionalism is that its ascendency
reached its zenith during the decade of 1960s and early 1970s. There was a period
190
International Organisations of lull after that until about early 1990s when we witness a renewed emphasis on
regional cooperation in economic and trade areas so much so that they are
emerging in the form of trade blocs based on exclusive membership and
preferential rules of trade. It is causing some concern and resentment among
countries that are excluded from trade blocs. This type of regionalism is known
as ‘new regionalism’. We will discuss more about this later.
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.
ii) See the end of the Unit for tips for your answer.
1) Trace the evolution of regionalism and regional organizations.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
14.3 FACTORS RESPONSIBLE FOR
RERGIONALISM
The obvious question that arises in one’s mind is why regionalism? What prompts
the emergence of regionalism as an inevitable development? Based on the above
mentioned description of its evolution, we can now deduce reasons for the growth
of regionalism and factors that encourage this development. If David Mitrany
proposed a blueprint for cooperation in technical and functional areas, it is fairly
obvious to infer that growing interdependence in technical and trade relations
among member states has been a major driving force of regionalism. The evolution
of public international unions in the 19th Century is a testimony to increasing
interactions leading to common concerns and need for harmonious laws that
needed to be addressed at the intergovernmental level. Examples of Universal
Postal Union and International Bureau of Weights and Measures are relevant
here. This process has been further galvanized by globalisation wherein it is
impossible to conceive of member states as isolated, independent entities
characterised by self-sufficiency. Secondly, regional level acts as an intermediary
between national and global levels of economic and political activity. Oftentimes,
issues of regional concern get lost in the melee of global problems and concerns.
Universal intergovernmental organizations tend to be remote in terms of access
and diffused in terms of focus and attention when dealing with specific problems
of a region. Hence, regionalism fits the bill perfectly while dealing with
transnational issues that are of particular relevance to a region and not of global
concern. Thirdly, regional cooperation checks the authoritarian tendencies of a
dominant, stronger actor within a region. It acts as a bulwark against oppressive,
totalitarian behaviour towards smaller states by protecting their interest through
collective endeavour as also by putting to rest their fears and anxieties. Fourthly,
in a broader global context, regionalism provides visibility and voice to regional
aspirations and common shared attributes such as language, culture, history, and
orchestrated ideas based on those attributes. African Union has for long given
voice to the idea of African nationalism and African brotherhood that encapsulated
191
Regionalism and New
Regionalism the common history of colonialism and the need to shape a common destiny in
future. It promotes regional solutions to problems of conflict by referring to
regional challenges and the need to give cooperation a chance. After all, shared
destiny is a reality that cannot be reversed by many states. Hence, regionalism
helps in preventing conflicts through cooperation. Lastly, harmony and
homogeneity of interests coupled with regional socio-cultural attributes galvanizes
the creation of regional aspirations and their articulation. Scholars like Amitai
Etzioni emphasize on the cultural and social aspects (non-political) of regionalism
seen as community for its continued strength and relevance in the long run.
Regionalism eventually leads to what Karl Deutsch called as security community
wherein members of a regional organization are held together through enmesh
of cooperation, interdependence and integration. He further believed that the
level of integration in a region can be measured by looking at transactions among
member states. Etzioni’s non-political interactions leading to a community of
people or Deutsch’s security community or spillover effect of Ernst B Haas are
pointers to the utility of regionalism for peace and stability of a region.
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.
ii) See the end of the Unit for tips for your answer.
1) What are the factors responsible for regionalism?
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
14.4 FEATURES OF REGIONALISM
Regionalism as a concept and as a process shares certain features which help us
in identifying the trend. Firstly, regional organizations are not always exclusive
in nature; they might be overlapping to let a country be part of multiple
organizations or yet again, include a country that is geographically not part of a
region. Andrew Heywood states that regional organizations may be continental,
sub-continental or transcontinental in their membership. While Council of Europe
represents continental organization, SAARC is an example of sub-continental
entity and Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) or BRICS are
transcontinental in nature. Mexico is a good example of a state having overlapping,
multiple shared interests with the North American continent (member of NAFTA),
with the Asia-Pacific region (member of APEC), and the linguistic, cultural and
historical affinity with Latin America (member of LAIA). Therefore, regions
are often politically and socially constructed “imagined communities”, they
are ideas that are not always limited to one region. This reading of a region as an
idea of a political, cultural or social construct makes it extremely fluid, open to
myriad possibilities of configuration and/of cooperation. In fact, some have
suggested that there are no ‘natural’ or ‘given’ regions. What appears as a ‘region’
in economic and cultural terms may not be appealing in political or security
terms; e.g. SAARC. The political elites of a region are, therefore, required to
192
International Organisations articulate regional political aspirations to align with its strides in economic
cooperation.
Secondly, there are many dimensions of regionalism depending on the primary
purpose and objective which determines its emergence. We can identify at least
three main forms of regionalism, which are, economic, political, and strategic.
Economic regionalism in the form of free trade area or common market is one of
the earliest forms of cooperation that evolved in Europe in the immediate aftermath
of the Second World War. Political regionalism seeks to protect and consolidate
shared political values such as democratic government, individual freedom, liberal
outlook, etc in order to develop a harmonious collective image and exert greater
political influence both within and outside the region. Strategic cooperation gained
recognition and ascendency to address the needs of collective self-defence and
protection from more powerful neighbours. This form of regionalism may also
be driven by ideology and commitment to a certain political value system
irrespective of geographical location of its members. North Atlantic Treaty
Organization and Warsaw Pact are the most prominent examples of strategic
(some call it military or security regionalism) regionalism.
Thirdly, regionalism in the traditional sense followed a familiar path of incremental
progress in economic field from free trade area to common market to economic
community to economic union. For a long time, this path of incremental progress
witnessed in Europe seemed to be inevitable and was replicated in similar fashion
elsewhere. Political and strategic communities/organizations formed separate,
parallel projects. In the area of security regionalism, international organizations
like UN largely determined tasks undertaken at the regional level. However,
with the advent of new regionalism in recent decades, regional organizations
have acquired a status of their own quite distinct from international organizations
like the United Nations. They ‘have transformed from objects into subjects,
making their relationship to the UN much more complex…’ (Hettne and
Söderbaum: 2006, 228). The regional approach no longer strictly adheres to statecentric model of international organizations; rather, they have transcended the
inevitable centrality of state apparatus to achieve regional goals.
Check Your Progress Exercise 3
Note: i) Use the space given below for your answer.
ii) See the end of the Unit for tips for your answer.
1) Briefly explain different forms of regionalism.
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
……………………………………………………………………………………………………….
14.5 NEW REGIONALISM
The decade of 1990s witnessed resurgence of regionalism and mushrooming of
several regional organizations “ a development that is considered as ‘the second
coming’ (Andrew Heywood) of regionalism. After a relatively less active decade
193
Regionalism and New
Regionalism from mid-1970s to mid-1980s, there has been a renewed interest in regional
groupings. In this section, we look at the features and nature of new regionalism
from the stand point of its changed context, content and contours as it has
emerged in 1990s.
First and foremost, in terms of context, new regionalism is an offspring of
globalization. Hence, there is an unmistakable emphasis on economic and trade
issues at the regional and global level. Regional organizations became active
agents rather than passive objects of international policy processes promoting
neoliberalism. In this sense, new regionalism rejected over-determination of
international organizations in world affairs. Until then, regional organizations
were seen to be representing intermediary levels of cooperation. However, ‘new
regionalism’ redefined the kernel of their identity to signify their emergence as
‘potentially competing structures’ (Hettne and Söderbaum: 2006, p. 227) in an
increasingly globalized world. The underlining factor of changed context in the
form of accelerated globalization led to rebooting their logics and functioning. It
meant that new regionalism as a phenomenon was a result of twin processes –
regions intersecting with economic globalization at the international level
alongside creating protectionist trade blocs at the regional or sub-regional level
“ that produced multiple, interlinking, complex relationships between regions
and multilateral actors and within the regional groupings themselves. There was
also tendency to develop several micro regions and trade blocs within a broad
macro region. Thus, new regionalism is undoubtedly economic in character
leading to formation of multiple trade blocs and complex web of relationships
undercutting the old ones and forming new trajectories of cooperation. J N
Bhagwati calls this complex web of relationships as ‘spaghetti bowl’ system
(cited in Heywood: 2014, 496) wherein it is difficult to trace clearly a particular
state’s path within the web of complex, multiple, overlapping, regional trade
agreements.
New regionalism, insofar as its content is concerned, is associated with several
structural transformations in international system such as: the end of Cold War;
transition from bipolar to multipolar power structure; and post-Westphalian nationstate system where state has been relegated to a non-dominant position in regional
and international affairs. Further, state has been to an extent replaced by
transnational economic-social-political interdependencies unleashed by
globalization leading to newer patterns of interactions between state and nonstate actors. The decade of 1990s is also symptomatic of changed attitude towards
economic development and political system in the developing countries as
evidenced in weakening of Third World solidarity and Non-Aligned Movement
in favour of neoliberal economic development. Hettne and Söderbaum refer to
multipolar power structure of post-Cold War era as New International Division
of Power (NIDP) and globalisation of ‘finance, trade, production and technology’
as New International Division of Labour (NIDL). Insofar as the sentiment of
new regionalism is concerned, it is an extension of nationalism at a different,
higher level; it supplements in areas where national states are incapable of
protecting national interests in a globalised context. This is known as ‘pooling
sovereignty’ (Andrew Heywood: 2014, p. 491; Hettne and Söderbaum: 1998, p.
4). Therefore, the resurgence of regionalism is here to stay but its content and
contours have shifted dramatically in its second coming.
Regarding the contours of new regionalism, it needs to be mentioned here that
the new regional organizations are comprehensive, multidimensional in their
194
International Organisations structure as opposed to simple structures in the common market era. The
multidimensionality of regional organizations is also reflected in the convergence
of culture, economic interests, security arrangement and political regime that
emerge spontaneously from within a region in the form of sub-regional aspirations
to create trade blocs to protect economic/trade interests. Since we have defined
regionalism as both a condition and a process, we must underscore here that
‘new regionalism’ is a complex process of change operating at such various levels.
as global system’s level. These processes display dynamic interactions at various
levels to produce different forms of cooperation depending on their relative
importance, which differs from one region to the other.
One intriguing contemporary debate has emerged surrounding the relationship
between regionalism and globalization – is it complementary, supporting each
other along the way or is it contradictory, giving rise to conflict and friction? In
other words, whether regionalizaiton is a building block or a stumbling block for
globalization? One finds support for both these positions in academic writings.
Arvind Panagariya, Louise Fawcett and Andrew Hurrell believe that globalization
and ‘new regionalism’ share a symbiotic relationship reinforcing each other in
the process. There are others (Hettne, Inatoi and Sunkel cited in Hettne and
Söderbaum: 1998) who suggest that the relationship is not linear and smooth,
rather, it is dialectic in nature occasioned by friction and tension until a
rearrangement is negotiated among all the stakeholders.
14.6 CRITICAL APPRAISAL
Having discussed the features and nature of regionalism and new regionalism, it
is now imperative to take stock of these concepts from a critical perspective. If
regionalism has supporters among functionalists, neofunctionalists and federalists,
does it mean that it is a panacea for all problems in international system? There
have been claims and counter claims as to the desirability of regionalism. The
universalists question the relevance and utility of regional organizations while
placing their faith in global international organizations to address and solve
problems of both regional and international nature.
Critics also contend that excessive emphasis on regionalism leads to inwardlooking, closed organizations that foster greater domination by big powers within
the region. Hence, the assumption that smaller states come together to protect
themselves against bigger, dominant powers within or outside the region is an
oversimplified assumption. The empirical evidence of regional groupings so far
suggests that in security arena, bigger and stronger powers acquire an additional
forum for influence and domination leading to greater concentration of power
than ever before.
There are others who contend that regional organizations have failed to seize the
initiative to resolve regional conflicts and restore peace owing to competing
ambitions of regional powers to steer the peace process in a way as to determine
its outcome to their advantage or to suit their national interests. For instance, the
Chinese government did not allow external actors to broker peace in Cambodia
fearing a dilution of its own role and strategic interest. Stronger powers in a
region accept conflict resolution mechanisms mostly when the conflict has become
intractable or strategically insignificant or still, financially burdensome without
serving any diplomatic purpose.
195
Regionalism and New
Regionalism Regionalism may foment inter-regional or ethno-national conflict leading to
disintegration when cultural difference within a state receives outside support
from groups with cultural affinity. It impacts intraregional dynamics on political
questions. For example, India and Bangladesh share linguistic affinity or Sri
Lanka and India have Tamil groups as common variable between them. This in
itself could lead to tensions and strife within a state.
An economic argument against new regionalism has been deployed by those
who support free trade and dismantling of trade barriers. It is alleged that regional
trade blocs resort to protectionism and favour trade within the bloc to create a
fortress and foreclose adverse impact of global competitiveness and volatile
market on their economies. But, such protectionism undermines the principles
of free trade and open borders envisaged in a globalised world. J N Bhagwati
questioned the position of regional blocs on free trade as ‘building blocks’ or
‘stumbling blocks’ within the global system. Regional systems have been short
of stumbling blocks but they have given rise to a tangle of regional trade
agreements, “complex and overlapping bilateral and regional arrangements, each
with conflicting and contradictory provisions….” (Heywood: 2014, p. 496)
In spite of the above criticisms, regionalism and new regionalism have found
many takers who suggest that the criticisms and fears are overstated propositions.
One aspect in favour of new regionalism arrangements is that they are rarely
imposed from above; most such arrangements are a result of bottom-up approach
orchestrated by a clutch of national and regional interest groups striving to protect
their sectoral interests. Green political parties across Europe have sought to
harmonize their respective positions to put forth a common agenda for the
protection of their interests and insulate their communities and consumer interests
from ill effects of unbridled globalization. Viewed from this perspective,
regionalism and new regionalism are indeed ‘building blocks’ in protecting
sectional, national, and regional interests.
14.7 LET US SUM UP
In this Unit we have looked at regionalism and new regionalism as important
developments within the international system. Regionalism can be understood
both as a condition and a process. Regionalism found many takers in the
immediate aftermath of the Second World War owing to specific, unique
circumstances prevailing in Europe. Most regional systems then emulated the
pattern of European model moving from free trade area to common market to
economic community to economic union. However, the results of such efforts
have been uneven. Regionalism received conceptual support in functionalist,
neofunctionalist and federalist thought. Features of old regionalism have been
non-exclusive nature of membership based instead largely on shared attributes
and values. As for the evolution of regionalism in Europe and elsewhere, it has
manifested in three areas, namely, economic, political and strategic. Regionalism
witnessed ascendency from 1950s to mid- 1970s. After a period of relatively
dormant action, it has seen renewed growth and acknowledgement in 1990s in
the form of new regionalism.
New regionalism is a baby of globalization. Unquestionably, advent of
globalization propelled regionalism to reinvent itself in a new avatar. We have
discussed the context, content and contours of new regionalism to suggest its
196
International Organisations features and differences with old regionalism. One distinguishing feature of new
regionalism is the emergence of multiple trade blocs sometimes within the same
region challenging the macro regional template. They have also been accused of
resorting to protectionism and in the process disrupting the principles of free
trade and open markets orchestrated as the mantra of globalization. Yet, it is also
generally agreed that new regionalism has promoted communication and
interrelationships among various interest groups across region resulting in
meaningful cross breeding and convergence of policies and ideas.
14.8 REFERENCES
Baylis, John, Smith, Steve and Owens, Patricia. (2017). The Globalization of
World Politics: An Introduction to International Relations. Oxford University
Press
Hettne and Soderbaum.(1998). The New Regionalism Approach” Pre-publication
manuscript for Politeia, vol.17.no. 3, pp. 1-18.
Hettne and Soderbaum. (2006). The UN and Regional Organizations in Global
Security: Competing or Complementary Logics?”,Global Governance, vol. 12,
pp. 227-232.
Heywood, Andrew. (2014). Global Politics. Second edition. Palgrave Macmillan.
14.9 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress Exercise 1
1) Your answer should highlight following points
Concept of functional areas by David Mitrany
Spillover effect
Beginning of regional cooperation in Europe after the 2nd World War
Check Your Progress Exercise 2
1) Your answer should highlight following points
Evolution of public international unions in the 19th Century
Regional cooperation checks the authoritarian tendencies
Provides visibility and voice to regional aspirations and common shared
attributes
Harmony and homogeneity of interests coupled with regional sociocultural attributes galvanizes the creation of regional aspirations and
their articulation
Check Your Progress Exercise 3.
1) Your answer should highlight following points
Your answer should highlight economic, political, and strategic features
of regionalism
197
Regionalism and New SUGGESTED READINGS Regionalism
Alder, E. (2001). ‘Constructivism and International Relations’, in W. Carlsnaes,
T. Risse and B.A. Simmons (eds), Handbook of International Relations, London:
Sage, 95-118.
Amin, S. (1975).‘Towards a Structural Crisis of World Capitalism’, Socialist
Revolution, 51/1: 1-25.
Amin, S. (1976). Unequal Development, Sussex: Harvesters Press.
Amin, S. (1990). Delinking: Towards a Polycentric World, London: Zed.
Ashley, R.K. (1986). ‘The Poverty of Neorealism’, in R.O. Keophane (ed.),
Neo-Realism and Its Critics. New York: Columbia University Press,255-301.
Ashley, R.K. (1996). ‘The Achievements of Post Structuralism’, in S. Smith, K.
Booth and M. Zalewski (eds), International Theory: Positivism and Beyond.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,240-53.
Axelrod, R. (1984). The Evolution of Cooperation. New York: Basic Books.
Bain, W. (2003). Between Anarchy and Society. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Baldwin, D.A. (ed.) (1984). Neorealism and Neoliberalism: The Contemporary
Debate. New York: Columbia University Press.
Barber, P. (1979). ‘Nattering NATO Negativism? Reasons Why Expansion May
be a Good Thing’, Review of International Studies, 24(Jan.): 43-68
Bellamy, A.J. (ed.) (2005). International Society and Its Critics. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
Boulding, K. (1962). Conflict and Defence: A General Theory. New York: Harper
& Row.
Boulding, K. (1979). Stable Peace. Austin: University of Texas Press.
Bridges, R, et al. (eds) (1969). Nations and Empires. London: Macmillan.
Brown, C. (1992). International Relations Theory: New Normative Approaches.
New York: Harvester Press.
Brown, C. (1997). Understanding International Relations. London: Macmillan.
Bull, H. (1969). ‘International Theory: The Case for a Classical Approach’, in
K. Knorr and J.N. Rosenau (eds), Contending Approached to International
Politics. Princeton: Princeton University Press,20-38.
Bull, H. (1972). ‘International Relations as an Academic Pursuit’, Australian
Outlook, 26:251-62.
Bull, H. (1975). ‘New Directions in the Theory of International Relations’,
International Studies, 14:280-90.
Bull, H. (1979). ‘Recapturing the Just War for Political Theory’, World Politics,
32:590-9.
Bull, H. (1984). ‘The Great Irresponsibles? The United State, the Soviet Union,
and World order’, in R.O. Matthews, A.G. Rubinoff and J.C. Stein (eds),
International Conflict and Conflict Management, Scarborough: Prentice-Hall
Canada.
198
Suggested Readings Bull, H. (1995). The Anarchical Society: A Study of Order in World Politics, 2nd
edn. London: Macmillan.
Bull, H., Kingsbury, B. and Roberts, A. (eds)(1990). Hugo Grotius and
International Relations. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Bull, H., and Watson, A. (eds)(1984). The Expansion of International Society.
Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Burton, J. (1972). World Society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Buzan, B. (2004). From International to World Society? Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Buzan, B. Jones, C. and Little, R. (1993). The Logic of Anarchy: Neorealism to
Structural Realism. New York: Columbia University Press.
Carnoy, M. (1984).The State and Political Theory. Princeton: Princeton
University Press.
Carr, E. H. (1964 [1939] ). The Twenty Years’ Crisis. New York: Harper & Row.
Castells, M. (19980. The Power of Identity. Oxford: Blackwell.
Cerny, P. G. (1990). The Changing Architecture of Politics: Structure, Agency
and the Future of the State. London: Sage.
Cerny, P. G. (1993). ‘ Plurilateralism: Structural Differentiation and Functional
Conflict in the Post-Cold War World Order’, Millennium: Journal of International
Studies, 22/1:27-51.
Clark, G. (1960). Early Modern Europe: From about 1450 to about 1720. Oxford:
Oxford University Press.
Claude, I. (1971). Swords into Ploughshares, 4th edn. New York: Random House.
Collingwood, R. G. (1946). The Idea of History. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Cooper, R. (1996). The Post- Modern State and the World Order. London: Demos.
Cooper, R. (2002). ‘The New Liberal Imperialism’, Observer,7 April.
Eckersly, R. (1992). Environmentalism and Political Theory: Towards an
Ecocentric Approach. London: UCL Press.
Eckersly, R. (2004). The Green State: Rethinking Democracy and Sovereignty.
Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press.
Ehlstain, J.B. (1987). Women and War. New York: Basic Books.
Eisenstein, H (1983). Contemporary Feminist Thought. London: Hall.
Elkins, D.J. (1995). Beyond Sovereignty: Territory and Political Economy in
the Twenty-First Century. Toronto: Toronto University Press.
Elman, M. (ed) (1997). Paths to Peace : Is Democracy the Answer? Cambridge,
Mass : MIT Press.
Enloe, C. (1990). Bananas, Beaches and Bases: Making Feminist Sense of
International Relations. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Escobar, A. (1995). Encountering Development. Princeton: Princeton University
Press.
199
Evans, G. and Newnham.J. Suggested Readings (1992). The Dictionary of World Politics. London:
Harvester Wheatsheaf.
Falk, R. (1985). ‘ A New Paradigm for International Legal Studies’, in R. Falk,
F. Kratochwil and S.H. Mendlovitz (eds), International Law: A Contemporary
Perspective. Boulder Westview Press.
Finnemore, M. (1996). National Interests in International Society. Ithaca and
London: Cornell University Press.
Finnemore, M. (2003). The Purpose of Intervention: Changing Beliefs about
the Use of Force. Ithaca and London: Cornell
Fukuyama, F. (1989). ‘The End of History? National Interest, 16: 3-18.
Fukuyama, F (1992). The End of History and the Last Man.New York: Avon.
Gallie,WB. (1978).Philosophers of Peace and War: Kant, Clausewitz, Marx,
Engels and Tolstoy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
George, J. (1994). Discourses of Global Politics: A Critical (Re)Introduction to
International Relations. Boulder: Lynne Rienner
Gilpin, R. (1981). War and Change in World Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Gilpin, R (1984). The Richness of the Tradition of Political Realism’,
International Organization, 38/2 (Spring): 287-305.
Gilpin, R(1987). The Political Economy of InternationalRelations.Princeton:
Princeton University Press.
Gilpin, R (2001). Global Political Economy: Understanding the International
Economic Order. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Gleick, P.H. (1993). ‘Water and Conflict: Fresh Water Resources and International
Security’, International Security, 18/1:79-112.
Goodin, R. (1990).’ International Ethics and the Environment Crisis’, Ethics
and International Affairs, 4:93-110.
Goodin, R. (1992). Green Political Theory. Cambridge: Policy.
Hacking , I. (1999). The Social Construction of What? Cambridge: Harvard
University Press.
Halliday, F. (1994). Collective Action. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University
Press.
Herman, M. (1951). Political Realism and Political Idealism. Chicago:
University of Chicago Press.
Hobbes, T. 91946). Leviathan, Oxford: Blackwell.
Holbraad, C. (1990). ‘ Hedley Bull and International Relations’, in J.D B. Miller
and R.J. Vincent (eds), Order and Violence: Hedley Bull and International
Relations. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 180-204.
Hollis, M., and Smith, S. (1990). Explaining and Understanding International
Relations; Oxford Clarendon Press.
200
Suggested Readings Holm, H.H., and Sorensen. G (eds) 91995). Whose World Order? Uneven
Globalisation and the End of the Cold War. Boulder: Westview Press.
Holsti, K.J. (1988). International Politics: A Framework for Analysis.
Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall.
Holsti, K.J. (1991). Peace and War: Armed Conflicts and Internaional Order
1648-1989. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Jevis, R. (1968). ‘Hypotheses on Misperception’, World Politics, 20:454-79.
Jevis, R. (1976). ‘Realism in the Study of World Politics’, International
Organisation, 25/4:971-91.
Kagan, R. (2003). Paradise and Power: America and Europe in the New World
Order: New York: Atlantic Books.
Kant, I. (1795). ‘Perpetual Peace”, repr. in H. Reiss (ed). Kants’ Politics Writing.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (1992), 93-131.
Kaplan, M. (1964). System and Process in International Politics. New York
Wiley.
Kennedy, P. (1993). Preparing for the Twenty-First Century. New York: Vintage.
Keohane, R.O. (1984). After Hegemony: Cooperation and Discord in the World
Political Economy. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Keohane, R.O. (ed) (1984). Neo- Realism and Its Critics. New York: Columbia
University Press.
Keohane, R.O. and Hoffmann, S. (eds) (1991). The New European Community:
Decision making and Institutional Change. Boulder: Westview Press.
Keohane, R.O. and Milner, H. V. (eds) (1999). Internationalisation and
Domestic Politics. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Knutsen, T. L. (1997). A History of International Relations Theory. Manchester:
Manchester University Press.
Krasner, S. D. (ed) (1983). International Regimes. Ithaca: Cornell University
Press.
Krasner, S. D. (ed) (1988). ‘Sovereignty: Institutional Perspective’, Comparative
Political Studies, 21:66-94.
Krasner, S. D. (1992). ‘Realism, Imperialism and Democracy: A Response to
Gilbert’, Political Theory, 20/1:38-52.
Landry, D. and Maclean, G. (1993). Materialist Feminist. Oxford: Blackwell.
Lenin, V. I. (1939). Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism. New York:
International Publishers.
Lewis, W. A. (1970). Theory of Economic Growth. New York: Harper & Row.
Linklater, A. (1989). Beyond Realism and Marxism. New York: St Martins’
Press.
Linklater, A. (1990). Beyond Realism and Marxism: Critical Theory and
International Relations. Basingstoke: Macmillan.
201
Lodge, J. Suggested Readings (ed) (1993). The European Community and the Challenge of the Future.
New York: St. Martin’s Press.
Lomborg, B. (2001). The Sceptical Environmentalist. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
Lyotard, J. F. (1984). The Postmodern Condition: A Repost on Knowledge.
Manchester: Manchester University Press.
McGlen, N and Sarkess, M. (1993). Women in Foreign Policy: The Insiders.
New York: Routledge.
Mann, M. (2003). Incoherent Empire. London: Verso.
Martinussen, J. (1997). State, Society and Market: A Guide to Competing
Theories of Development. New York: St Martin’s Press.
Marx, K. and Engels, F (1955). The Communist Manifesto, ed. S. Beer. New
York: Appleton-Century-Crofts.
Myers, N and Simon, J. L. (1994). Scarcity or Abundance?A Debit on the
Environment. New York: Norton.
Myrdal, G. (1957). Economic Theory and Underdeveloped Regions. London:
Duckworth.
Naisbitt, J. (1994). Globe Paradox. New York: Avon.
Neibuhr, R. (1932). Moral Man and immoral Society. New York: Scribner’s.
Nicholls, D. (1974). Three Varieties of Pluralism. London: Macmillan.
Nunn, E. (1996). ‘The National Security Strategy of the United States of America.
Washington, DC: Office of the President.
Oye, K.A. (ed) (1986). The States System of Europe,1640-1990. Oxford:
Clarendon Press.
Parish, R and Pecency.M. (2002).‘Kantian Liberalism and the Collective
Defence of Democracy in Latin America’, Journal of Peace Research, 39/2:229-
50.
Parry, J. H. (1966). Europe and a Wider World: 1415-1715, 3rd edn. London:
Hutchinson.
Paterson, M. (1996).‘ Green Politics’, in S. Burchill and A. Linklater (eds),
Theories of International Relations, London: Macmillan,252-75.
Payne, A. (2005). The Global Politics of Unequal Development. Basingstoke:
Palgrave Macmillan.
Peterson, M.J. (1992). ‘Transnational Activity, International Society and World
Politics’. Millennium, 21:371-88.
Peterson, V.S. and Runyan, A. S. (1993). Global Gender Issues. Boulder:
Westview Press.
Pollard, S. (1971). The Idea of Progress: History and Society. Harmondsworth:
Penguin.
Rapaport, A. (1990). Flight, Games, Debates. Ann Arbor: University of
Michigan Press.
202
Suggested Readings Ravenhill, J. (ed.) (2005). Global Political Economy. Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Rocardo, D. (1973). The Principles of Political Economy and Taxation. London:
Dent.
Risse, T., Ropp, S.C. and Sikkink, K. (eds), (1999). The Power of Human Rights:
International Norms and Domestic Change. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Risse-Kappen, T. (ed.) (1995). Bringing Transnational Relations Back in.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Rittberger, V. (ed.) (1993). Regime Theory and International Relations. Oxford
Clarendon Press.
Rodrik, D. (1997). Has Globalisation Gone Too Far? Washington DC: Institute
for International Economics.
Rosati, J.A. (2000). ‘The Power of Human Cognition in the Study of World
Politics’, International Studies Review, 2/3:45-79.
Rose, G. (1998). ‘ Neoclassical Realism and Theories of Foreign Policy’, World
Politics, 15/1:144-72.
Rosenau, J. N. (1966). ‘Pre-theories and Theories and Foreign Policy’, in R.B.
Farewell (ed.), Approaches to Comparative and International Politics. Evanston:
Northwestern University Press.
Rosenau, J. N. (1967). Games International Relations Scholars Play’, Journal
of International Affairs, 21:293-303.
Rosenau, J. N. (1980). The Study of Global Interdependence: Essays on the
Transnationalisation of World Affairs. New York: Nichols.
Rosenau, J. N. (1990). Turbulence in World Politics: A Theory of Change and
Continuity. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Rosenau, J. N. (1992). ‘Citizenship in a Changing Global Order’, in J.N. Rosenau
and E. O. Czempiel (eds), Governance Without Government: Order and Change
in World Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 272-94.
Rosenau, J. N. (2003). Distant Proximities Dynamics Beyond Globalisation:
Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Sachs, W. (ed.) (1992). The Development Dictionary. London: Zed.
Sachs, W. (ed.) (1993). Global Ecology: A new Arena of Political Conflict.
London: Zed.
Samuelson, P.A. (1967). Economics: An Introductory Analysis, 7th edn. New
York: McGraw Hill.
Sholte, J.A. (2005). Globalisation: A Critical Introduction, 2nd edn. London:
Macmillan.
Shaw, M. (1992). ‘Global Society and Global Responsibility’, Millennium,
21:421-34.
Simon, J. and Kahn, H. (eds) (1984). The Resourceful Earth. Oxford: Blackwell.
203
Singer, H. and wildavsky, A Suggested Readings . (1993). The Real World Order: Zones of Peace,
Zones of Turmoil. Chatham, NJ: Chatham House.
Smith, s, Booth, K. and Zalewski, M. (eds) (1996). International Theory:
Positivism and Beyond. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Steans, J. (1998). Gender and international Relations: An Introduction.
Cambridge: Polity.
Stein, A. A. 91990). Why Nations Cooperate: Circumstance and Choice in
International Relations. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.
Steinbrunner,L. (1974). The cybernetic Theory of Decision. Princeton: Princeton
University Press.
Stoessinger, J. G. (1993). Why Nations Go to War. New York: St Martin’s Press.
Stubbs, R and Underhill, G. R.D. (2000). Political Economy and the Changing
Global Order. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Thucydides (1972). History of the Peloponnesian War, trans. R. Warner. London:
Penguin.
Tilly, C. (1992). Coercion, Capital and European States. Oxford: Blackwell.
Toye, J. (1987). Dilemmas of Development: Reflections on the Counterrevolution
in Development Theory. Oxford: Blackwell.
True, J. (1996). ‘Feminism’ in s. Burchil and A. Linklater (eds), Theories of
International Relations. London: Macmillan, 210-51.
Tucker, R. W. (1977). The Inequality of Nations,. New York: Basic Books.
Twing, S. (1998). Myths, Models, and US Foreign Policy: The Cultural Shaping
of Three Cold Warriors. Boulder: Lynne Rienner.
UN (United Nations), Statistical Yearbook, annual edns. New York: UN.
UN (United Nations) (1997 a), World Economic and Social Survey 1997. New
York: UN.
UN (United Nations) (1997 b), World Investment Report 1997. New York: UN.
Vincent, R. J. (1986). Human Rights and International Relations, Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Viner, J. (1985). The Long View and the Short: Studies in Economic Theory and
Policy. New York: Free Press.
Walker, R. B. J. (1993). Inside /Outside: International Relations as Political
Theory. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Wallerstein, I. (1974). The Modern World System, New York: Academic Press.
Wallerstein, I. (1979). The Capitalist World- Economy: Essays. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Wallerstein, I. (1983). Historical Capitalism. London: Verso.
Wallerstein, I. (1984). The Politics of the World- Economy: The States,
Movements, and Civilizations: Essays. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Wallerstein, I. (1991). Unthinking Social Science.The Limits of NineteenthCentury Paradigms. Cambridge: Polity.
Wallerstein, I. (2004). World-Systems Analysis: An Introduction. Durham: Duke
University Press.
Walt, S. M. (1998). ‘International Relation: One World, Many Theories’, Foreign
Policy (Spring) : 29-46.
Waltz, K. N. (1959). Man, the State and War: A Theoretical Analysis. New York:
Columbia University Press.
Watson, A. (1982). Diplomacy: The Dialogue between States. London: Methuen.
Watson, A. (1992). The Evolution of International Society. London: Rutledge.
Welsh, J. M. (1995). Edmund Burke and International Relations. London :
Macmillan.
World Commission on Environment and Development (1987). Our Common
Future (The Brundtland Report). New York: Oxford University Press.
Zakaria, M. ( 1998). From Wealth to Power: The Unusual Origins of America’s
World Role. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Zartman, W. I. (1995). Collapsed States: The Disintegration and Restoration
of Legitimate Authority. Boulder: Lynne Rienner.
Zehfuss, M. (2002). Constructivism in International Relations: The Politics of
Reality. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Zurn, M. (1995). ‘The Challenge of Globalisation and Individualization: A
View from Europe’, in H. H. Holm and G. Sorensen (eds). Whose World Order?
Uneven Globalisation and the End of the Cold War. Boulder: Westview Press,
137-65